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[In Progress] Kansas history: a journal of the central plains

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Volume 1
Number One
Spring 1978

[Inside cover]


JOSEPH W. Sneli., Executive Director
Ci.ifkobi) R. Hope, Jb., Garden Cily, President
Philip H. Lewis, Topeka. Vice-President
Sr. M. BVAHGBUNE THOMAS, Salina. Second Vice-President
JOSEPH W. SMELL, Topeka, Secretary
Robrbt W. Richmond. Topeka. Treasurer
Wilfobd Rieoi.e. Emporia                                 Ex officio members
John W. Riplev, Topeka                                               Clifford Mope. Garden Cily
JAM R. Robison, Dodge Cily                                       Philip H. Lewis, Topeka
A. BoW'ER Sackseb. Manhattan                                    Sb. M. Evanoeline Thomas. Salina
William H. Srileb. Emporia                                       John E. Wickman, Enterprise
Mrs. Helen L. Smith. Colby
Fi/ivn R. SOUDERS, Cheney
Arthur J. Stanley, Jr., I.eavenworth
Calvin Stbowio, Abilene

The Kansas State Historical Society solicits diaries, letters, and other original records. Iiooks and pamphlets written by Kansans or about Kansas, territorial and state newspapers up lo 1876, pictures, and maps and atlases of the state. The Society will also be glad to consider objects suitable for the museum, especially those having a direct connection with Kansas history.
Gifts and bequests for the furtherance of the Society's work will be gratefully receiver!. Such remembrances, in various forms, are appropriate permanent memorials to the interests of an individual or a group. A representative of the Society will be glad to consult with anyone wishing to make a gift or to establish a bequest or endowment. Address the Executive Director, Kansas State Histobicai. Society, 120 W. Tenth St.. Topeka. Kan. 66612.
The Missouri river and the town of Kansas (City). Mo., about 1853 by an unidentified artist. On the river a ferry crosses in the foreground and beyond it a steamboat moves upstream. River transportation was to ]*c an important factor in the settlement of Kansas which was to start soon. The view appeared in The United States Illustrated, published serially in 1853 and in two volumes before February. 1854. by Herrmann J. Meyer, New York.

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Volume 1                                                  Spring, 1978                                                    Number 1
Published by
THE KANSAS STATE                                                        Forrest R. Blackburn,
HISTORICAL SOCIETY                                                                Managing Editor
Joseph W. Snell,                                                                                 Dot E, Taylor,
Executive Director                                                                                 Assistant Editor
Mary Elizabeth Lease, Populist Orator:                                                                               pace
A Profile   ...................................   Dorothy Rose Blumberg     3
Catharine Emma Wiccins: Pupil and Teacher in
Northwest Kansas, 1888-1895   ...................    Kenneth Wiggins Porter    16
Thb Arabia Incident   .................................   Phillip R. Rutherford   39
Changing Climate in Kansas:
A Late 19th-century Myth   ............................  Paul D. Travis   48
IxxiKiNG Forward:
A Society at the Crossroads..........................John E. Wickman    59
Bypaths of Kansas History..............................................     65
Kansas History off the Press   ...........................................     66
Kansas History, A Journal of the Central Plains is published quarterly at 120 W. 10th St., Topeka. Kan. It is distributed without charge to members oi the Kansas State Historical Society; single issues, when available, may be purchased for $2.50 each. Membership dues are: annual $10, sustaining S20, patron $100. life $100. Membership applications and dues should be sent to Robert W. Richmond, treasurer.
Correspondence concerning articles for Kauai History should be addressed to the managing editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors.
Second-class postage has been paid at Topeka, Kan.

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Mary Elizabeth Lease (1850-1933) was described by one newspaper reporter as "a tall, stately figure
with the swinging stride of a girl athlete   .    .    .    [and a] booming voice which   ...    set the men
of Kansas wild with enthusiasm for a new leader."

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HAD HER exhortation to the farmers to "raise less corn and more hell" been her only claim to fame, Mary Elizabeth Lease would still deserve more than the single line allotted her in many history books. For these words became a rallying cry of embattled farmers fighting for survival, and the woman who spoke them a symbol of their hope for victory.
True, there is some doubt as to whether she ever actually used the phrase, or if she did use it, whether it was she who coined it.1 But whatever its origin, the challenge it expressed aptly reflects the person with whom it is identified.
It was a fighting phrase and she was a fighter. But she was a great deal more. For when we examine the record, scattered as it is and often hard to come by, we find a woman of great attraction and determination, of practical good sense and no little wit, one who wrote and spoke with evangelical fervor, who was quick to defend her rights as a woman in a world run by men and zealous to extend those rights for herself and her sex—in short, a woman who in her own way not only made a distinctive contribution to American history but enlivened it considerably.
SHE WAS born Mary Elizabeth Clyens on September 11, 1850, at Ridgway, Pa., the sixth child of Irish immigrant parents. Graduating at 15 with a teaching certificate from St. Elizabeth's Academy at Allegany, N. Y., she taught for a while at a school near Ceres, Pa. Teachers' salaries were very low, and women of course were paid less than men. Unsuccess-
This article, a revised version of a paper delivered at the Berkshire Conference of Women Historians in Cambridge, Mass., October. 1974. is a summary of what is intended as a full-length biography of Mary Elizal>eth Lease. Thanks are especially due to Prof. James C. Malin. Lawrence, who gave unstintingly of his knowledge and encouragement, and to Prof. Homer E. Socolofsky, Manhattan, who made available to me the notes amassed by Myra Scott (untimely deceased), which greatly lightened the burden of research.
I. See Edward T. James. "More Corn. Less Hell? A Knights of Labor Climpse of Mary Elizabeth f,ease" in Labor History. New York, v. 16, no. 3 (1975). p. 409.
ful at organizing her colleagues for a wage increase, and hearing that wage scales were better in the Midwest, she went out to the frontier town of Osage Mission, Kan., in the fall of 1871. There she boarded at St. Ann's Academy for girls, an institvition run by the Catholic Sisters of Loretto, and later taught one term at a nearby grade school.1
In January, 1873, she married Charles L. Lease, owner of a drugstore, one of the directors of the Neosho County Savings Bank and an active Mason. The Leases were a popular couple. Mary Elizabeth wrote verses for the Osage Mission press and won praise for her vigorous performance in a play, "The Coming Woman; or the Spirit of "76," at an evening benefit for St. Ann's. In April, 1874, Charles ran for mayor of the town and was elected over two other candidates.'
Then that summer, for some unexplained reason, the Leases moved to northern Texas, settling in another frontier town, Denison. Charles had hoped to open his own drugstore there but instead went to work as prescription clerk for Dr. Alexander Acheson. Mary Elizabeth was pregnant at the time she left Osage Mission, and in early November gave birth to a son. During the next 11 years five more children were born, two of whom died before they were a year old."
Outwardly at least the young mother seemed to accept the cycle of pregnancy and birth— and only too often . early death—as woman's appointed lot. To the townspeople generally, as the Denison Sunday Gazetteer put it some years later, she was "a plain, quiet, demure
2.  "Deposition in Application for Widow's Pension." in Joseph P. Clyen's Civil War folder. National Archives, Washington, D. C.; "Jas Arnold manuscript," Kansas State Historical Society; Sr. Mary Paul Fitzgerald. Beacon on the Plains (Leavenworth. 1939), p 206. W. W. Craves. History of Neosho County (2 vols.. St. Paul. Journal Press. 1951 ).v. l.p. 164; andIpage from ' Teacher's Daily Register." office of register of deeds, Erie. Neosho county.
3.  Osage Mission Transcript. July 12. 1872, January 31. 1873. January 23 and April 10. 1874; photocopy of Masonic membership card from M. W. Grand Lodge of A  F. 6: A. M. of Kansas.
4.  Neosho County Journal. Osage Mission, June 10. 1874. Dent-son Uex.) City Directory. 1876-1877. p. 53; birthdate on Lease tombstone. Cedar Grove Cemetery, Flushing. N. Y.; Kansas census. 1885. Wichita; Denison (Tex.) Daih Herald, March 17 and September 1. 1878.

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Kansas History
woman wrapped up in family, home and church." But from her own lips a different picture emerges, that of a mind fiercely struggling for growth and expression amidst the endless round of household and family demands. "I used to improve every moment," she once told an interviewer. "I have often kneaded bread or washed the dishes with some newspaper article of interest pinned to the wall in front of me that I might waste no time in digesting its contents." *
A chance to break out of her routine came when, between babies and with the encouragement of Dr. Acheson's wife Sarah, she joined the local Woman's Christian Temperance Union and was asked to speak at one of their meetings. Her eloquence was the surprise of the evening and marked the first step toward her future career as orator and advocate."
Temperance was only one of the causes she came to espouse. She deeply resented the general male attitude toward women, and in the press and on the platform hammered away at the fallacious reasoning that consigned her sisters economically and socially to second class citizenship, and politically to no citizenship at all. What especially irked her was the presumption that women were congenitally unable to grapple with ideas and issues. "There is no difference," she declared many times, "between the mind of an intelligent woman and the mind of an intelligent man."
Early in 1884, after the Leases had returned to Kansas, first to a farm and then to the town of Kingman, she wrote two articles for the Kingman County Citizen under the title "Are Women Inferior?" Here she set out to prove woman the intellectual equal of man by citing the achievements of women in a number of fields usually reserved to men—mathematics, astronomy, literature, politics, even the military. The following year, now a resident of Wichita, she wove together the issues of temperance and suffrage in "A Plea for the Temperance Ballot for Women" at a local W. C. T. U. meeting. In January, 1886, she took the lead in founding the Hypatia Club, a women's group dedicated to intellectual improvement, and was elected president. (The club is still in existence.) In October of that
5.  Denlton (Tex.) Sunday Gazetteer. March 28, 1897- Fort Scott Dolly Tribune. May 6. 1893.
6,  Elizabeth Brooks. Prominent Women of Texas (Akron. Ohio, 1X96). p. 302.
year, during a local woman's suffrage convention, she was called upon to introduce Susan B. Anthony at a mass meeting at the opera house. The convention then went on to establish a Wichita Equal Suffrage Association, in which Mary Elizabeth served briefly as president. Speaking at the association's first meeting in December, she rebutted a long-standing argument with "It is said that women ought to be represented by their husbands. What about the 60,000 women who have no husbands?    .    .    ."'
In addition to such organizational activities, she had also begun to appear as a paid lecturer. Her first address, in March, 1885, entitled "Ireland and Irishmen," was a stirring defense of Ireland's long struggle for freedom. In Wichita with its large Irish population the speech was received with so much enthusiasm by both audience and reporters that she was asked to repeat it a few weeks later." As word of her accomplishments spread, requests to speak began to come in not only from local groups but from neighboring towns also—gratifying evidence that here lay the possibility of a meaningful career.
No doubt her decision, reached thus early, to become a professional lecturer was influenced by the economic situation. Charles was working for a Wichita drug firm,'' but his earnings seem to have been fairly modest, and there were four children to provide for. Adding to the family income, however, was not Mary Elizabeth's only consideration; there was also the deep satisfaction of capturing and holding the attention of her audience. And what may have been most important of all, she had found a way to express the multitude of ideas that churned within her, beholden to no one for her opinions and actions.
Now she was extending her activities into whatever area aroused her concern. By the end of 1886 the fast growing Knights of Labor had organized more than 250 local assemblies in Kansas, five of them in Wichita. Hailing their members as the "plumed and helmeted knights of to-day," who  were  leading  the  workers
7.  Kingman County Citizen, Kingman. January' 31 and February 7. 1884; Wichita Daily Eagle, January 7. 18*5. January 21. 23, October 21-22, December 7, 1886; Wichita Daily Beacon. October 21 and December 7. 1886.
8.  Wichita Daily Eagle, March 3, 1885, Wichita Daily Beacon. March 6. 1885.
9.  Aldrich & Brown Drug Co., Kingman Courier. Octolier 17. 1884,

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Mary Elizabeth Lease: Orator
against "the jeering Sampsons of corporation and monopoly," Mary Elizabeth joined Wichita local assembly No. 3306, the Columbia Assembly. Here she functioned for some years as a "general and district organizer," and in recognition of her efforts was elected a Master Workman.'"
At the same time another oppressed group attracted her support, with consequences that were to shape much of her future. The economic suffering that had spurred labor organization in the cities was goading the farmers, especially in the South and Midwest, to form mutual protective groups calling themselves Farmers' Alliances. In June, 1886, Mary Elizabeth was invited to address two meetings of the Farmers' Alliance in nearby Harper county," probably more for her reputation as an inspiring speaker than because of her few months experience on a prairie farm near Kingman—an experience, however, that entitled her to membership. Now for the first time she found herself in an organization in which women took their place, at least nominally, on an equal basis with men.
Her entry into the political arena came in August, 1888. The Union Labor Party, organized a year earlier by some Alliance members, individual Knights and others disillusioned with the two "old" parties, held a state convention in Wichita. During the proceedings Mary Elizabeth was called to the platform and gave a brief, spirited speech pledging her support to.the movement. She was rewarded with "wild cheers that lasted several minutes," and later stumped the state for the ticket. Although nationally the Union Labor vote was negligible and the party soon disappeared, locally some small successes were scored.1'
The elections over, she undertook to fulfill another long-standing ambition by becoming editor of a small weekly newspaper owned and published by Hamlin W. Sawyer. Apparently given a free hand, Mary Elizabeth changed the name of the paper from Union Labor Press to Wichita Independent and added an appropriate quotation from Lowell—"New occasions teach new duties"—to the masthead. However, her
10.  Journal oj United Labor, Washington. 1880-1886. pnnlm. April 7, 1888. April 2. 1891; Wichita Daily Beacon. October 21. I88fi; 7-ofcor Hiiloru. p 408; Voice of the People. Kingman. May 24. 1888.
11.   Harper Sentinel. May 30. 188fi
12.  Wichita Daily Eaffe, August 29. 1888; American Nonconformist. Winfirkl, September 6. 1888.
new duties, or her attention to them, occupied her only a few months. After the first of the year a series of lecture commitments pulled her away from her editorial desk, and by mid-March she was let go."
In April, 1889, she was admitted to the district bar of Wichita, having read law the summer before with Charles Ebey, a local attorney. A month later she opened a law office with a woman partner, and was forthwith assigned the case of a black defendant charged with having mortgaged property not his own. In her argument, delivered in a crowded courtroom, she "spoke at some length and quite eloquently upon the colored people and the money lenders, praising the former and most bitterly condemning the latter." But here for once her oratory failed her. She lost the case, and for the rest of the summer seems to have been immersed in her private affairs.'4
MEANWHILE, Kansas Alliance members had begun to consider some form of political activity for their originally nonpolitical organization. In the fall of 1889, Alliance folk, former Union Labor Party supporters and other dissidents held a People's convention in Cowley county, at which it was announced that support would be given only to candidates pledged to legislate "in favor of the producing classes." To the surprise especially of the Republican machine, the People's ticket won in every part of the county where the Alliance had a strong base."
That December the two wings of the national fanner's movement, the Northern Alliance (to which Kansas belonged) and the Southern Alliance met in separate sessions at St. Louis. Although on the three most basic issues—land, transportation, and finance—there was no disagreement, a hoped-for consolidation of forces did not take place, and Kansas transferred its allegiance to the Southern Alliance. Shortly after, a state platform incorporating the St. Louis demands was drawn up and sent around to the Kansas congressmen and senators—all Republicans—for endorsement. No congressman and only one senator bothered to answer;
13.  Wichita Independent, November 17, December 29. 1888. March 23. 1889
14.  Wichita News-Beacon, April 20, May 7. 9, 1889; Wichita Dui!» Eagle, April 23, May II, 1889.
15.  Winfie|d Courier, minted in Elizabeth N. Barr. The Popu-liit Uprising," A Standard History of Kansas and Kansans. William E, Connelley. ed„ pp. 1142-1143.

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Kansas History
the delinquent senator was John J. Ingalls, whose third term was about to expire. Accordingly, when the presidents of the county Alliances met in Topeka late in March, 1890, they voted overwhelmingly not to support any candidate for the legislature who favored renaming Ingalls.'" A speakers' bureau that included Mary Elizabeth was set up and the campaign began.
It was a campaign that called upon all her skill and stamina, and she relished every minute of it. During the next seven months she traveled hundreds of miles, crisscrossing the entire eastern half of Kansas, spoke in 16 counties, in perhaps 50 cities, towns, and picnic groves, sometimes two speeches in one day, sometimes in two different towns on the same day, an estimated total of 160 appearances.1' Impressively tall—almost six feet—she was yet graceful in motion and gesture, with blue eyes flashing as she drove home a point, and with a mellow contralto voice that penetrated the farthest reaches of any grove or open area. Often she would talk as long as two or three hours, urging nonpartisan political action,1" excoriating Ingalls for his betrayal of the farmers' interests, and denouncing the banks, the mortgage companies, and the railroads for their stranglehold on the American worker and farmer, a stranglehold that led to impoverishment and misery. Moving beyond her earlier notion that intemperance alone was the cause of crime, she now labeled impoverishment itself the "prolific parent" not only of intemperance and crime, but of "every evil that curses mankind." And the remedy, she held, was to be found in the political arena. If your by-laws will not permit taking politics into the Alliance, she told a Harper county convention, "then take the alliance into politics." '
Her role in her own Sedgwick county convention in mid-June was limited, but she made one notable contribution. During a debate on whether the slate of candidates should be called a "People's ticket" or a "National ticket," she took the floor. "Let it be called the party of the people and give the tricksters a
16.  Topeka Daily Capital. March 28. 1890.
17.  Tour reconstructed from notices in the Kansas Commoner. Newton, American Nonconformist. Topeka Advocate, and from cross references to the local press of the towns where she spoke.
18.   Kansas Commoner. April 24, 1890.
19.  Harper Sentinel. June 6. 1890.
lick," she cried, and sat down to cheers and a unanimous vote." w
Two months later she gave the opening address at the state convention of the People's party in Topeka, and also served on the resolutions committee. Aware of the diversity of interests among the more than 500 delegates, she urged them not to allow themselves to be divided either by differences in party background or by conflicting views on such "moral issues" as prohibition or woman suffrage, important as these were. The one question at hand was how "to stamp out this unholy monster, the money power," and the answer lay in "the unity of free men," whose votes could not be bought or sold. "Let the old political parties know that the raid is over," she concluded, "and that monopolies, trusts and combines shall be relegated to hades." "
Such words delighted the delegates who, after adopting the St. Louis demands in addition to their own resolutions, nominated a full state ticket. But the speaker and her pungent style of speech promptly became the object of caustic editorial comment. "Mrs. Lease is a raw-boned, ghostly-looking female, who speaks in a heavy bass voice with whiskers on it," wrote the Wellington Monitor. The Clay Center Dispatch, also branding her voice as "masculine," fumed against "the vaporings of this hired woman" for her "un-American and villainous doctrine"; and the Topeka Daily Capital stated flatly, "Mrs. Lease is a dema-gogess." 2
The flood of denunciation loosed upon the Populists and their leading orator did not bring the electoral triumph the Kansas Republicans had counted on. They still retained the governorship and all statewide offices save one. But the Populists elected the attorney general (with Democratic support), five out of the seven congressmen and enough members of the legislature to control the selection of William Peffer over Ingalls as United States senator." And while credit for Ingalls's defeat did not accrue solely to Mary Elizabeth, her tireless campaigning was in large measure responsible and he never forgave her.
20.  Wichita Dally Eagle, June 11. 1890.
21.  Topeka Daily Capital. August 14, 1890.
22.  Wellington Monitor. August 29. 189(1; Clay Center Dispatch, September 18. 1890.
23.  John D. Hides, The Populist nVco(r<Minncapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1931). p. 179.

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Mary Elizabeth Lease: Orator
After the elections she began to move farther afield, appearing under a variety of auspices not only in Kansas but in other states as well. In February, 1891, she spoke twice at the triennial convention of the National Council of Women in Washington, D. C, on "Women in the Farmers Alliance," shocking that decorous audience with her uninhibited language. In April she went on a two-week speaking tour through Missouri, and in May paid a brief return visit to Denison to talk about the Farmers' Alliance. In June she was in Denver for a local anniversary celebration of the Knights of Labor, where she addressed an audience of 1,500 and was one of the leaders of the grand march at a ball held that evening in Coliseum Hall. Back in Kansas later that month she was elected a director of the state's Mutual Protective Association, formed to assist farmers in the event of foreclosure, and in July organized a branch of the association at Westmoreland during an Alliance picnic there.3*
The first week of August was spent at a Chautauqua in Lithia Springs, not far from Atlanta. Here, headlined as a modern Joan of Arc, she delivered four lectures to enthusiastic audiences, then brought her Southern visit to a triumphant conclusion when she became the first woman to address the state legislature. To the men and women who crowded the large hall and filled every seat in the galleries she spelled out the principles of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's party, and declared that it was the duty of all good Democrats to join in the struggle to defeat the common enemy, the Republican party. "If you men will vote for principle once and quit voting for party, the victory will be ours," she told them, warning that the crucial test would come in the elections of 1892."
Preparations for that test had been going on for some time. Encouraged by the local electoral successes of 1890, farmers were now talking of the need for political action on a national scale, though there was as yet no agreement on what form the action should take. Members of the Northern Alliance were ready to create a third party; most Southerners
24.  Washington (D.C.I Poll. February 25. 1891. Baltimore American. February 25. 1881 i Baltimore Sun, February 25. 1891; Kansas Commimer, Wichita. April 9. 1891; Denison Sunday Gazetteer, May 3. 1891; Journal of the Knights of labor. June 25. 1891; Farmers' Voice, Clyde. July 23. 1891.
25.  Atlanta Constitution. August 4-5. 9, II. 1891; Macon Telegraph. August 5. 10. 12. 1891.
Another portrait of Mary Elizabeth Lease who espoused a number of causes and was always quick to defend her rights as a woman in a world run by men.
wished to work within the Democratic party and possibly capture it.
The issue was joined when, at a convention of the supreme council of the Southern Alliance on December 2, 1890, at Ocala, Fla., the Vincent brothers of Kansas brought in a call for a meeting in Cincinnati in February, 1891, "for the purpose of forming a National Party." Because of strong Southern opposition the call was not adopted; however, a number of leading delegates did sign it as individuals.
Concerned lest the movement fall apart, Dr. C. W. Macune, editor of the National Economist, official journal of the Southern Alliance, offered a compromise: allow a year for sentiment to crystallize, then call a convention in February, 1892, of delegates from "all organizations of producers" and let them decide the course of action. Accordingly, representatives from the Southern Alliance, the Knights of Labor, the Colored Farmers' Alliance, and several others met in Washington in January, 1891, constituted themselves a "Confederation of Industrial Organizations" and fixed Febru-

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Kansas History
ary 22, 1892, in St. Louis as the date and place for a conference "of all the orders."
That same January the Northern Alliance, meeting in Omaha, put forward a somewhat more elaborate plan. A petition setting forth six fundamental principles (including abolition of national banks, government ownership of railroads and telegraphs, and a ban on sale of land to aliens) was to be circulated in every state by each industrial organization. When five million signatures had been obtained, state representatives would be selected as a provisional national committee to meet, also on February 22, 1892, in St. Louis, to make arrangements for a national convention.
But supporters of the Cincinnati call argued that such arrangements could not be delayed that long. Nor should the movement rely solely on Alliance members to build the new party. With the call already so framed as to invite a constituency far beyond the farmers, the date for the gathering was finally set for May 19, 1891.
The meeting, known as the "National Union Conference," drew an overflow attendance, more than 1,400 men and women, 400 from Kansas alone (but very few Southerners). Debate this time centered on whether to organize a third party immediately or to postpone formal organization until election year in the hope of reducing Southern opposition along the way. The second alternative prevailed. A platform that was a composite of previous convention demands was adopted, and most of the states thereupon elected three national committeemen apiece, charged with building state third parties. That summer and fall "an army of lecturers," Mary Elizabeth among them, took to the road to urge support for the new party.
The results of their efforts surprised them. On February 22, 1892, more than 800 elected delegates representing 22 orders poured into a brightly decorated Exposition Music Hall in St. Louis. With Ben Terrell, president of the Confederation of Industrial Organizations, in the chair, and after a series of songs and speeches, a platform introduced by an eloquent preamble was adopted. Containing the words "We . . . support the political organization which represents our principles," the preamble implicitly projected the third party, but again in the interest of unity the meeting stopped short of explicit endorsement.
After adjournment, however, most of the delegates by prior agreement stayed on. Dr. Macune took the chair and James B. Weaver of Iowa, a former Union general, was made presiding officer. A committee of 15 was appointed to meet with the executive committee of the People's party, whose members had been at the conference but taken no official part in it. The two committees now merged and turned their attention to the presidential nominating convention. The date of July 4, 1892, was picked, a subcommittee of 10 chose Omaha as the place, a group of five was specially selected to draw up the call, and the deed was done."
Mary Elizabeth by now was moving easily in the upper echelons of both the Alliance and the People's party. During the first week in January, 1892, she had attended a large banquet of the Minnesota State Alliance and talked on "Woman's Place in Beform Work." ("Mrs. Lease is a wonderful speaker," Ignatius Donnelly wrote in his diary.) At the February St. Louis convention, "amid the wildest enthusiasm," she was introduced by General Weaver as "Our Queen Mary of the Alliance," and she was one of those chosen to draw up the nominating convention call. A delegate to the Kansas state convention at Wichita in June, she offered an equal suffrage amendment that was finally endorsed; and she was one of five dele-gates-at-large—and the only woman—elected to represent Kansas at Omaha.27
The national convention opened July 2 on a note of uncertainty. Col. L. L. Polk, head of the Southern Alliance and slated to be the presidential nominee, had died several months earlier. While General Weaver was being-considered as a replacement, a rumor arose that a Judge Gresham, not a Populist but a Bepubli-can from Indiana, might also be available. When on the third day an Indiana delegate took the floor to read a telegram that said, "Have just seen Gresham. If unanimously nominated he will accept," there was danger that the convention might swing to the judge. At this point Mary Elizabeth raced down the aisle waving another telegraph blank, and in
26.  For a general account of the origin* of tlie People's party, see Hides The Populist Recoil, pp. 207-232, and Barr, The Populist Uprising." pp. 1170. 1174-1176.
27.   Kansas Commoner, March 17, June 9, 1892; Ignatius Don. nelly, "Diaries," Microfilm Roll 148, Frame 154. February 25, 1892, Minnesota Historical Society; Farmers' Advocate, Yates Center, June 22, 1892 With 126 votes. I.easc ran fifth out of 19 otndfdfltM.

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Mary Elizabeth Lease: Orator

her most sepulchral tone announced, "I am authorized to say that if the nomination is tendered unanimously to Benjamin Harrison he will not decline." The house broke into roars of relieved laughter.2* General Weaver was nominated by Delegate Wheat of Alabama, seconded by Mary Elizabeth "in behalf of the women of the nation," and won on the first ballot. In a gesture of unity, ex-Confederate Gen, James G. Field was nominated for vice-president.*'
THE NATIONAL campaign tour of the People's party began on July 22 when Mary Elizabeth and General Field appeared in Lincoln, Neb. The following week in Denver she and General Weaver addressed two overflow meetings, each attended by some 6,000 persons. Again Mary Elizabeth was the sensation of the evening when she invited all those in favor of helping the People's party to "hit me with a silver dollar," and the audience responded with laughter and a rain of coins.
She spent August with General and Mrs. Weaver traveling through the West and Northwest, speaking as often as eight times a day to audiences that ranged up to 12,000. In San Francisco the Mechanics' Pavilion was "crowded to its utmost limit." In Seattle the turnout was so large it had to be divided; Mary Elizabeth spoke an hour to one group while Weaver addressed the other, then they exchanged audiences for another hour each. In Butte "the opera house was crowded to suffocation" and an outdoor meeting "covered about two acres," while in Wyoming the speakers were deluged with "floral tributes."
The September itinerary took them into the South, and here trouble began to build up. For weeks the Democratic press had been attacking Weaver for alleged cruelties to civilians in Pulaski, Tenn., during the Civil War, and the Atlanta Journal had published a collection of affidavits in support of the charges. By the time the campaigners reached Georgia, emotions were at the danger point.
At first, while Weaver was severely heckled, Mary Elizabeth was given a fairly respectful
28.   New York World. July 5. 1892.
29.   Kansas Commoner, July 7. 1892.
30.  Wichita Doily Eagle. July 28. 1892.
31.  Fred E. Haynes. James Batrd Weaver (Iowa Biographical Series, ell.. Benjamin F. Shamhaugh. Iowa City. Iowa. State Historical Society of Iowa. 1919). pp. 32tK321.
32.   Atlanta Journal, September 17. 22, 1892.
hearing. Although the Atlanta Constitution called her "raw-boned and ugly as a mud hen," it did pay tribute to her powers of oratory. But when she branded the Journal affidavits as lies and the Journal reporter a liar, the veneer of southern chivalry cracked. Shouts and catcalls interrupted both her and Weaver at Albany and Columbus, and at Macon a barrage of rotten eggs and vegetables drove the speakers from the platform, though not before both Mrs. Weaver and Mary Elizabeth had received their share of splattering. Unwilling to face further hostility, the Weaver party canceled an Atlanta engagement and left the state. As the speakers moved northward through North Carolina and into Virginia the violence subsided. And in the final days before the election, back in Nebraska where the campaign had begun, they were again greeted with the old enthusiasm."
Election day was November 8. When the tally was in, Weaver had polled more than a million popular votes, just under 10 percent of the total, and had won the electoral votes of Kansas and three silver states—Colorado, Idaho, and Nevada. The Kansas Populists, with Democratic support, elected Lorenzo D. Lewelling governor, took all the other state offices, won congressional seats in the second, third, fifth, sixth, and seventh districts, and gained control of the state senate. In the lower house, however, a number of seats were disputed and after many weeks of wrangling that almost came to physical violence the Republicans were declared the majority.
Meanwhile, shortly after the election, word went out that Mary Elizabeth would be a candidate for the United States senate, although she herself had made no formal announcement. The novel idea of a woman candidate for that office set off a shiver of excitement. Attorneys interviewed as to the legality of such a step felt that eventually the supreme court would have to rule. General Weaver wrote that an examination of the constitution showed nothing that would prevent the election of a woman to the senate. Dozens of women from all over the country, Susan B. Anthony among them, and a fair sprinkling of men, expressed
33.  Atlanta Constitution, September 21, 1892; Atlanta Journal. Septemlier 23. 1892. New York Times, September 23, 1892; Wichita Dailu Eagle, September 24. 1892; Omaha World Herald. No-veml>er I. 3. 1892; Lincoln (Neb.) Dally Call. November 3. 1892.
34.  Appletons' Annual Cyclopedia, 1892. p. 371; Barr. "Populist Uprising,   p. 1167; Hicks. Populist Revolt, p. 261.

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Kansas History
Gov. Lorenzo D. Lewelling (1846-1900) won election in 1892 as a fusion candidate of the Populists and Democrats. He had his differences with Mrs. Lease though she supported him in his two campaigns tor the governorship.
admiration and hopes for success and urged Mary Elizabeth to "stand fast." '
She nonetheless steadily maintained that she was not a candidate. "The office should seek the woman as well as the man," she told a reporter. Only if her eligibility were questioned on the grounds of sex would she enter the race. In a letter (November 29, 1892) to Hamlin Garland, with whom she had more than once shared an Alliance platform and who had based a character in his novel A Spoil of Office upon her career, she wrote, "I am not making the race for Senator or anything else." Just before the end of the year she sent a letter to J. W. Breidenthal, state chairman of the People's party, stating that in the interest of party unity she would not allow her name to be presented for consideration at the senatorial election.
35. Wichita Dally Eagle. November 18. 1892: New York Times. November 18. 1892; Journal of Knights of Labor. N.ivinilier 24. 1892; Farmer.' Wife. Topeka. December. 1892,
36 New York Timet. November 19. 23. 1892; )ean Holloway, Hamlin Carland; A Biograpliii (University of Tesas Pros. 1960), p. 65 (the1 original letter is in the Doheny Library. University of Southern California. Los Angeles); Topeka Dally Capital. Jaouary
Inauguration day for the Kansas state offices was January 8, and that evening a gala reception was held in the statehouse. Mary Elizabeth, in a new silk dress and bonnet, read a poem she had written in praise of women pioneers, and also took the occasion to answer a charge that an article of hers had exaggerated the kind of treatment encountered on the Southern campaign trip. "The fact was Mrs. Weaver was made a regular walking omelet," she declared.37
Appointed in February by Governor Lewelling to head the State Board of Charities and Corrections, Mary Elizabeth became the first woman anywhere to hold such a post. She immediately started on a tour of inspection of the state asylums and reformatories, and in June represented Kansas at the national conference of Charities and Corrections in Chicago. Returning to Chicago in September, she was a featured participant in the Kansas Day celebration at the Columbian Exposition, where she lauded Kansans as "the most Godfearing, liberty-loving, intellectual people on the face of the earth. . . . Patrick Henry pleaded for liberty," she continued, "Washington fought for if, the philosophy of Jefferson perpetuated it, but Kansans live it." *
THE WARM glow left by the 1892 victory, however, was chilled by the unexpected defeat of a fusion ticket of Populists and Democrats in the Kansas local elections of November, 1893. Mary Elizabeth, outspoken as usual and seeing fusion as a betrayal of Populist principles, assailed the "corrupt" men in the People's party who had sought office through that device and said she was glad they had been beaten. Indignant party leaders angrily charged that her outburst was really due to the fact that two charities board members with whom she disagreed were not removed at her demand. At first Lewelling tried to make light of the situation, but Mary Elizabeth was not to be silenced, and by the end of December the governor felt he had to dismiss her from office. She thereupon retained counsel, and with the argument that since her appointment
37.  Ibid., January 10. 1893; Topeka Stale Journal, January 10, 1893.
38.   Kansas, Board of State Charitable Institutions, Biennial Report!. Nos. 9-12 (1892-1894 to 1898-1901)). The letter of transmittal to the governor. September 15, 1894, includes l*asc among the signatories; Farmers' Wife, April. 1893; Proceedings, National Conference of Charities and Corrections, 20th Annual Session! Chicago Dally TrlAune. .September 16. 1893.

[Page 11]

"Political Pirates" was the title of this cartoon from Puck magazine, September 23, 1896, satirizing the
free-silver movement. Mrs. Lease, with her name on her bonnet ribbon, is the only woman in the lot. William
Jennings Bryan, playing the violin, was called "God's new messiah," by Mrs. Lease in the campaign of 1896.
but by.1900 she was writing scorching articles against him.
had been affirmed by the state senate only that body had the right to terminate it, won reinstatement.
Lewelling, mindful of Mary Elizabeth's standing in the community, seems to have shown an uneasy ambivalence in handling the affair. Shortly after the dismissal, in an apparent attempt to forestall legal action, the governor threatened that if necessary he would make public "certain affidavits" concerning Mary Elizabeth's conduct during the presidential campaign. Ignoring the threat, Mary Elizabeth filed her petition in the Kansas supreme court on January 4 and won a stay, then several weeks later went on the offensive. In a stinging letter to the Pleasanton Herald, reprinted the following day in the Kansas City Times, she accused the state administration of taking bribes from three of the railroads, of being in partnership with saloons and gambling houses, and of planning another fusion sellout. But, she added, for them to succeed they must first "kill me politically." To that end they not only "say I am working for Republican pay," but "they paid $500.00 to obtain affidavits that Gen. J. B. Weaver and I slept together at many
39. Topclca Daili/ Capital, November 16. 1893; Kansas Cilv (Mo.) Journal. December 23. 1X93; Topeka Slate Journal, No vcmlwr 10. 1893, Kansas City (Mo.) Star, January 4, 1894; and Wichita Daily Eaglr. February 9, 1894. She was replaced in July. 1895. by an appointee of the new governor, the state supreme court upholding the replacement.—Topeka Daitu Capital. July 7, 1895.
of the leading hotels during the campaign." Asked to comment on these extraordinary accusations, the governor in an apparent retreat told a Kansas City Times reporter that he knew nothing about stories reflecting on Mrs. Lease nor did he have any intention of investigating them."
Yet despite her vehement attack on him, by the end of summer Mary Elizabeth had decided to support Lewelling again for the governorship. However, Populist unity was now seriously strained by internal discords—some party members were even calling for defeat of their own administration. In addition, the Democratic party, rejecting Populist offers to field a fusion ticket in November, put up its own slate of candidates. As a result the Republicans, except for one congressional seat, swept the state. Mary Elizabeth blamed the outcome on the "disgraceful compromise with the Democracy" two years earljer and the "treachery" of Sen. John Martin and state party chairman Breidenthal; then in a more positive vein she asserted that the election "was not a Republican victory so much as a Democratic
40. New York Tribune. January 2, 1894; Kansas City Star. January 4. 1894; Pleasanton Herald, January 26, 1894: tUaa Ctt) Times. January 27-28, 1894.


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Kansas History
defeat" that cleared "the decks of the Populist ship." ■
The deck-clearing, if it was ever actually that, did not last very long. The 1896 Populist nominating convention accepted the Democrats' presidential candidate, William Jennings Bryan, and nominated one of their own, Tom Watson of Georgia, as vice-president. At the time it seemed the best of all possible solutions. Even Mary Elizabeth was carried away. "In the name of God," she cried in seconding Bryan's nomination, "forget your prejudices and unite in supporting this God's new Messiah!"
Although the new Messiah was rejected nationally, in Kansas he garnered the electoral vote and for the first and only time the Populists, heavily assisted by Democrats and Silver Bepublicans, gained control of all the state offices and both branches of the legislature. But it was a victory that exacted a ruinous price. The gradual erosion of principles that Mary Elizabeth had so bitterly criticized as early as 1893 was now manifested in a platform whose original broad anti-monopolist content was pretty much watered down to a single narrow plank, the remonetization of silver. Thus the end result of fusion was destruction of the unique program that, had made the Populist party the farmer's rainbow of hope.42
WITH THE decline in the national fortunes of the Populists after 1896, Mary Elizabeth's role as their advocate also declined. And as her ties to the party began to fray, so did her ties to the Kansas scene. Her lecture tours had long been taking her away from home, especially to New York; by April, 1897, it was rumored that she would live there permanently. She seems, however, to have retained a lingering attachment to both party and state. In July of that year she talked about running for governor, while in December she announced her intention to campaign for the
41.  Kansas Agitator, Carried, September 28. November 17, 1894; New York Tribune. November 10. 1894. For details of the 1894 campaign, see Peter M. Argcrsingcr. Populism and Politics, William Alfred Petfer and the People's Party (Islington. University Press of Kentucky. 1974). ch. 6.
42.  See C. Vann Woodward. Tom Watson, Agrarian Rebel (Oxford University Press. 1938; Calany. 1980). pp. 296-300, New York Sun. July 26. 1896, O. Cene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence. University Press of Kansas. 1969). p. 196; Arger-singer. Populism and Politics, p. 273.
Seventh congressional district seat held by Jerry Simpson."
In the end it all came to nothing. Having left Charles behind in Wichita, she now settled in New York with the rest of the family. She still made her living by lecturing—the eldest son, Charles H., a customs house clerk, served as program manager—and was also employed for a time as a feature writer on Joseph Pulitzer's New York World. By 1900 she had completely reversed herself politically, writing scorching articles against both Bryan and the Populists, and campaigning statewide for McKinley and the Republicans in Nebraska."
"In January, 1901, she filed divorce proceedings against Charles in the Wichita district court, charging nonsupport. At first there was doubt as to whether the case would be heard at all, since Kansas law required continuous state residence for 12 months prior to such action. But Mary Elizabeth argued that she had never given up her legal residence in Wichita and, on that technicality, in May, 1902, she was granted a divorce and custody of the two minor children, Grace and Ben Hut."
Shortly afterwards she became a paid lecturer in an evening program for adults under the auspices of the New York Board of Education, a post she held for a number of years. Speaking regularly in all five boroughs, generally on literary and historical topics, she was, according to the Topeka Daily Capital, eventually "entitled ... to the rank of dean and the use of her collegiate robes"; and the paper for September 5, 1915, has a picture of her so gowned."1
She made a final foray into the political arena in August, 1912, in New York, when she spoke at two large outdoor meetings and several smaller indoor rallies for the Bull Moose party. Long an admirer of Teddy Roosevelt—in 1904 she had announced her intention to stump for this "man of destiny"—she now hailed him as "a fearless leader . . . the champion of the people . . . the new Twentieth   Century   knight."   Branding  the
43.   New York Tribune, April 13, December 19. 1897; New York Tlmea, July 19, December 19, 1897.
44.  Trow's Directory, New York, 1898-1899; New York World, July 4, 6, 1900; Omaha Daily Bee. October 4. 8, 1900; Nebraska Stale Journal. Lincoln, October 4, 7. 1900.
45.   Petition in the district court of Sedgwick county, dated Deceml>er 29, 1900; Wichita Dally Haute, January 22, 1901, May 24. 1902.
46.  New York City Department of Education, Annual Reports, Superintendent of lectures, 1902-1921.

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Mary Elizabeth Lease: Orator                                                   13
Democratic party "a moribund mass of political putrescence, a stench in the nostrils of the people," she kept a Union Square audience of a thousand or so cheering and applauding for more than an hour with all her old-time magnetism and fire.
After the campaign, however, a misunderstanding arose with regard to a speaker's fee. As she explained with increasing acrimony in a year-long series of letters to W. H. Hotchkiss, one of the candidate's managers, while she had been glad to donate her services at the indoor meetings, she had made it clear that she expected compensation for the two outdoor speeches delivered "at a cost of tremendous' physical and mental effort ... in order to reach the throng." Given a brush-off by Hotchkiss, she then directed her plea to Roosevelt's secretary, Frank Harper, and finally received "the munificent sum of $50," less legal fees."
Her direct political participation now ended, she nonetheless maintained a lively concern with both the local scene and world affairs. When war broke out in 1914 she had the solution: "Stop sending food abroad. Starve the warriors and the people and they will be glad enough to come to terms." After the war she added lectures on the League of Nations, problems of reconstruction, and the "Melting Pot" to her Board of Education repertoire."
Although the 1920's were years of lessening activity, she was still occasionally called upon for one. of her spirited lectures. Nor had her vitality seemingly diminished. When in 1931 Charles L. Edson, a former staff member of the Kansas City Star, called upon her in the Brooklyn apartment she now shared with Ben, he was greeted by "a tall, stately figure with the swinging stride of a girl athlete" and the same "booming voice which forty years ago ... set the men of Kansas wild with enthusiasm for a new leader." *
And just as the earliest years of her life had been spent on a farm, so were the last ones. Having lately purchased a number of acres at
47.  "Kansas Scrapbooks—Biography." Kansas State Historical Society library, v. 95. p. 131. from New York Sun. September, 1904; Ni-vv Y..rk Sun. Ambus! 2'",. IH12: I*-.,;- to W. II. Hotchkiss.ca. May 12, 1913. to Frank Harper before May 6, 1913. ami ca. May 20, 1913. and "To Whom It May Concern," August 14. 1913. in "Theodore Roosevelt Letterbooks." Library1 of Congress, Washington. D. C.
48.  Kansas City Slur, Octolier 25, 1914; New York City Department of Education. Annual Report*. 1920-1921.
49.  Kansas City Star. March 29. 1931.
Long Eddy, a fertile area some 90 miles northwest of New York City, she gave herself up to the pleasures of planting and harvesting "as though unlimited by Time." But time was indeed limited. A few weeks after her 83d birthday, suffering from nephritis and a leg infection, she entered the hospital at nearby Callicoon, where she died on October 29,1933. She was buried in Cedar Grove Cemetery, Flushing, Long Island.
"In the history of Kansas," wrote William Allen White,". . . she will deserve a bright paragraph. She was an honest, competent woman who felt deeply and wielded great power unselfishly. Peace to her ashes." *
CLEARLY, a brief summary such as this can only begin to resolve what Prof. James C. Mali n has called "the problem of Mrs. Lease as an historical character." ™
There is no doubt that she was a highly effective political advocate, surely one of the most influential of her times. Life on frontier and farm she knew at first hand. She was able to articulate superlatively the plight and demands of the farmer andy if somewhat less immediately, those of the urban worker as well.
Her lectures and writings, derivative rather than creative, reflect a more than ordinary range of reading. She drew heavily upon the Bible in both manner and substance, and quoted time and again from Emerson, Lowell, Wendell Phillips, Victor Hugo, the Irish revolutionary poets, and many more. She was devoted to Tennyson, whom she held to be something of a minor prophet; and Victor Murdock, who had known her when he was a young reporter for the Wichita Eagle, noted that "She was particularly and richly laden with Shakespeare." K
Her political speeches were less analytical than hortatory. Hewing close to the Alliance-Populist line, they usually contained some special, forceful reminder that women too must be included in any program for reform. An excellent memory enabled her to fortify rier
50.  letter dated "Crystal Springs. S<..pt. 11, '33" to "Dearest Toppie." her grandson Epes Winthrop Sargent, son of Louise l-frase Sargent. Letter in the possession of Mr. Sargent, who kindly permitted me to copy it; verified transcript from the "Register of Death." town of Delaware. Sullivan county. New York; Emporia Gazette. October 30. 1933.
51.  Conversation with Professor Malin. April. 1973.
52.  Wichita Ecening EaRle. October 31, 1933 (obit).

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Kansas History
talks with a wealth of statistics, and to quote verbatim from colleagues and opponents as recorded in campaign literature and the press. If much of what she said had been heard many times over, her mastery of the effective phrase often made it all seem startlingly fresh and startlingly right. A few examples:
"A rise in breadstuffs means a fall in virtue and morality. An increase in the cost of living means an increase in the sum total of vice and crime."
"A mortgaged home, an empty stomach and a ragged back knows no party. . . . We will live to write the epitaphs of the old parties: 'Died of general debility, old age and chronic falsehoods.' "
"If the government can loan money on corn juice [by subsidies to distillers], it might, in all justice, loan to the farmers on their corn."
". . . human greed . . . which seeks to make the Golden Rule subservient to the golden calf."
"Our laws are the output of a system that clothes rascals in robes and honesty in rags."
"War is legalized murder." "
During the growth and early victory years of the People's party the course she pursued was one of forthright support. She eagerly embraced the antimonopolist, anticapitalist sentiments that characterized the Populist movement, and she responded positively to the fragments of socialist thinking that turned up on occasion. It never bothered her to be called a socialist—a label indiscriminately applied then (as now) to advocates of even the mildest economic or political change. Speaking in Georgia in 1891 she had said: "You may call me an anarchist, a socialist or a communist, I care not, but I hold to the theory that if one man has not enough to eat three times a day and another man has $25,000,000, that last man has something that belongs to the first." And some years later, citing "the great German agitator Bebel," she criticized the suffrage movement for not recognizing that "the cause of all slavery, all degradation and woman's so-called political inferiority is her economic depen-
53. loumal of the Knight, of Labor, June 25. 1891.Septembers!). 1892 (quote from San Francisco Examiner), Kanaai Commoner, February 11, 1892; Topeka Duffy Capital. May. 19110 (quote from New York World); Wichita Daily Eaitle, January 9. 1896, May 2. 1901, Kansas City Sror, April I. 1891; Topeka Stale Journal. May 25, 1896.
dence upon man . . . the dependence of the oppressed upon the oppresser."
Yet at no time could she be called a political theorist. Her one full-length venture into theory and program—stimulated perhaps by the publication of books from the pens of such Populist colleagues as Peffer, Weaver, and Ignatius Donnelly—was a bizarre, crudely racist volume appearing in January, 1895, and grandly titled The Problem of Civilization Solved. Here, in discussing the worldwide problems of poverty, overcrowding and crime, she did make use of phrases that recall the classical criticism of capitalism: the dollar (in gold or silver) as only "an abstract measure of value"; the appropriation of "unearned increment by the capitalists"; workers reduced to "mere human accessories" of the machines they operate. But her "solution"—a grotesque echo of the racial bigotry of the day—was to remove the "inferior" races (Negroes, "ryots," and Orientals) from the midst of the "highly gifted white race of Europe and America" and send them to colonize the sparsely settled tropical regions of Latin America and Africa under the benevolent paternalism of "Caucasian planters." %
For Mary Elizabeth, however, there was no conflict between these views and her urge to better the condition of mankind, all mankind, nor indeed with the notion of herself as a socialist. In the spring of 1899, shortly after hearing an address by Eugene V. Debs, she joined a Massachusetts branch of the Social Democratic party and lectured half a dozen times for the party in Boston and surrounding towns. "Yes, the real, veritable and only genuine Mary E. Lease of Kansas ... - the one time populist and greatest woman orator in America, has joined us," exulted the Social Democratic Herald; while in June Debs himself through the columns of the Herald welcomed "Our New Comrade" and called upon the branches to utilize "her marvelous oratorical powers." And even though in the 1900 presidential election campaign she could declare herself a McKinley Republican, for the next several years she still spoke occasionally
54.  Woodward. Tom Watnon, p. 178. citing Macon Telegraph. August 11, 1891; Topeka Daily Capital, May. 1906 (quote from New York World).
55.   Tlie Problem of CiefllMtfon Solved (Chicago. Laird (k Lee. 1895). review, "Mary Is a Moses," In Wichita Daffy Eaale, January 29, 1895

[Page 15]

Mary Elizabeth Lease: Orator
under the auspices of the New York socialists. M
Inconsistency of this sort became a pattern of conduct as the 1890's wore on. An increasingly unsteady relationship with the Populists led her to damn their leaders at one time and support them at another. Originally adamant against fusion, her opposition collapsed in the turmoil of the first Bryan campaign. She denounced the "butchery" of Filipinos by United States troops in 1899, but the following year (repeating a position elaborated in her book) she spoke approvingly of expansionism as "a natural development that has come to stay." "
A large streak of willfulness and an absolute conviction in the Tightness of her own opinions made friendship with her a precarious affair. If others, women perhaps even more than men, appeared to challenge her supremacy in any of her chosen fields, she would either rush to find fault with the challenger or abandon the field. It was as if the outward aspect of self-confidence cloaked an inward sense of insecurity that constantly clamored for reassurance—a reassurance most fully operant during the heyday of Populism. But even before the movement began to decline we find Mary Elizabeth restlessly picking up and dropping one new interest after another—a National Peace Society, a Masonic order for women (Charles almost got into trouble when she claimed to know the ritual and he was suspected of having violated his oath of secrecy), bicycling for health (dressed in a trousered Syrian costume), spiritualism—to which she was said to have been converted at about the same time she joined the Social Democratic party, "Emersonian" theosophy, "mental science," and Margaret Sanger's campaign for birth control.
Her many absences from the Wichita home seem to have been simply accepted by the family, with Charles always there to fill in for her. Mary Elizabeth counted it a virtue never to be gone longer than two weeks if she could
56. An account of Debs's appearance before the XIX Century Club at Delmonico's in New York, signed Mary E. Lease, was published in the Cleveland Cillsen. April S. 1899, and the Social Democratic Herald. Milwaukee. April 29, 1899; ibid.. May 6, June In, 1899: ticket of admission and advertising leaflet in New Ymk Socialist Literary Society folder. Tamiment Library. New York University. -57. New York Times. April IB, 1899; "Kansas Scrapbooks—Biography." v. 95. p. 145 (dateline Chicago. September 21).
58. New York Times, May 9, 1893, February 18, 1894; Leavenworth Times, February 18. 1894; New York Tribune, February 18, March 6, 1894, July 1, 1895; Wichita Dailli Eagle. April 9, 1899; Topeka Daily Capital. April 1, 1897; Kansas City Star, March 29, 19.il
help it, and she occasionally took one or another of the children on her shorter journeys. The young people have been described as bright, well-brought up and loving; many years later one observer remembered Mary Elizabeth's "remarkable control over her four children . . . without a word of impatience or rebuke." w Yet the loving bond, often alluded to with pride, may have been too tightly drawn; of the four only the older daughter, Louise, and not until she was 30, ever married.
Still, it was probably the senior Charles who suffered most. Overshadowed literally as well as figuratively, he found himself after a dozen years pushed into a role totally at odds with all the expectations of a male-oriented world. The press that clawed at Mary Elizabeth for betraying femininity was just as cruelly quick to poke fun at Charles for surrendering his masculinity to the duties of housekeeper and children's nurse. To his credit he bore it all stoically including the divorce, which he did not contest. "Mrs. Lease is all right," he told an Eagle reporter afterwards. "She is wonderfully ambitious, and I presume she thinks she can make her own way in the world better without me. My sincerest wish is that her future life may be a happy one."
Wonderfully ambitious she certainly was. And yet not entirely for herself alone. There was a time when she was sure, as so many others hoped they might be sure, that the road of salvation for the downtrodden indeed lay open, and that it was her destiny to lead the way. Nor did she wait upon the prompting of others. "She had the courage to take the next step before she was propelled into it, which is a great gift," wrote Gerald Johnson.
And maybe in the long run she did not have too many illusions. She was never a major prophet, she told Charles Edson; she had one talent and she used it to the best of her ability. In a moment of wry perception she once said: "I went up like a rocket. Perhaps I'll come down like one."
She was right. The trail of stars died away long before the burnt-out casing touched earth, but at its zenith the burst of light was dazzling.
59.  Mrs. Scott Campbell, secretary to Mrs. Lease for a number of years, in Wichita Sunday Eagle Magazine. June 14, 1925.
60.  Wichita Daily Eagle. May 25. 1902.
61.  Cerald W Johnson, The Lunatic Fringe (Philadelphia. New-York, Lippincott, 19571, p. 166; Kansas City Star. March 29, 1931; Wichita Dally Eagle. August 20. 1896.

[Page 16]

I. Introduction
THIS SECTION fills in the gap for the period 1888-1895 hitherto existing in Catharine Wiggins Porter's published memories. For her earlier years, see: "A Little Girl on an Iowa Forty, 1873-1880," Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Iowa City, v. 51 (April, 1953); "Winter Evenings on an Iowa Farm, 1873-1880," Journal of American Folklore, Menasha, Wis., v. 56 (April-June, 1943); "School Days in Coin, Iowa, 1880-1885," Iowa Journal of History and Politics, v. 51 (October, 1953); "By Covered Wagon to Kansas, 1885," The Kansas Magazine, Manhattan, 1941; "Building a Kansas 'Soddy\ 1885," Ibid., 1942; and '" 'Holding Down' a Northwest Kansas Claim, 1885-1888," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 20, no. 3 (Autumn, 1956). For subsequent years, up to her marriage, see: "College  Days  at   Cooper  Memorial,   1895-
Title-page  photo;  Catha
ury. The          .      .........    ,.....                           ----------
1908. by her brother, I). 1... to Htssic Sebolt. who later became hi
V, ^"-        Mmoolnnuae* like this one in
*             century. The inscription on llm poslcaril
Emma   Wiggins   taught   in   s(wl
trthwcNt Kansas ill the l.ite  I'HIl
written in March.
1898," ibid., v. 26, no. 4 (Winter, 1960); and "Country Schoolteacher, 1898-1902," Kansas Magazine, 1961.
The author was born in Page county, southwest Iowa, the daughter of James W Wiggins, a Union veteran, and Catharine Ann McCollum, with whom in 1885 she came to Graham county, Kansas. Her father died the following year, leaving his widow, a 12-year-old daughter, and a 16-year-old son, to cope with the hardships of homesteading life; an 18-year-old son was working in a pharmacy in Iowa. The present article begins with the author's departure from the homestead for several years of study in small-town schools, interspersed with school teaching. When the author writes "now" she means the time of composition, ca. 1945.
, In order to reduce the manuscript to more managable proportions the editor has eliminated the complete or partial texts of songs which are readily available in print, and has also removed—also without specific notice—a few unessential comments.

[Page 17]

Catharine Emma Wiccins: Teacher
II. The Reminiscences Lenora
IN AUGUST, 1888, mother and I left the homestead which we had been "holding down" for over three years and moved to Lenora, a town of four or five hundred inhabitants.' There were at least three general stores—Bar-beau's, Nettleton's, and The Boston Store; a drugstore owned by Mr. Dunbar; a furniture store, bank, blacksmith shop, hotel, billiard hall, and a railroad—the Rock Island [Missouri Pacific]. There were two churches, the M[ethodist] E[piscopal] and the Congrega-tionalist. We usually attended the former, partly because it was only about a block from home, and partly because Iowa friends, the Gatlins, were members. The churches were both frame buildings and would each hold about two or three hundred. The M. E.'s had pews and the Congregationalists ordinary chairs. Each had an organ and a choir. I recall the name of only one preacher, Mr. Woodward of the M. E.'s, and that only because his daughter Hessie and I were good friends. However, it was in the Congregational church that I learned the hymn, "The Feast of Bel-shazzar."
Mother had seen to it that our house was supplied with new rag-carpets for the sitting room and spare bed-room; we had put up cheesecloth curtains at the windows and stained the woodwork with asphaltum, a thin dark substitute for paint. The furniture was the same that we had brought from Iowa three years before,1 with the addition, during the winter, of a small very sweet-toned organ, for which mother paid $20. She may have bought it with money from carpet-weaving or we may have had a little left after building our house, since about this time we sold a small rental-property in Coin owned jointly with my oldest brother.' He had saved very carefully from his earnings since a small boy—herding sheep, selling books and household articles, working on farms, and trading around, until he finally
1.  Lenora is in southwestern Norton county, on the North fork of the Solomon river.
2.  "The Handwriting on the Wall." as it is more properly known, appears in Ira D. Sankey, James McCranahan. and George C. St..|,l,ins, Gospel Hymns (Nos. 110 6 Complete) (New York. 1894). p. 390.
3.  The Wiggins family's Iowa furniture is described in The Journal of American Folklore, Menasha, Wis., v. 56. pp. 97-98.
4.  David Lincoln Wiggins (1887-19451. at this time clerking in a pharmacy in Coin, Iowa.
Catharine Emma Wiggins (1873-1952). right, with her
friend. Ettie Denison. The girls were school chums
when Catharine was in Hoxie tram 1892 to 1895.
was able to buy a young colt which grew into a beautiful iron-gray and sold for $150 which he invested in this property. The organ was bought from people named Estep, who were raising money to defend their son in a murder-case. He had shot and killed a man in a card game over a stake of twenty five cents. They lost the case and the boy was sentenced to twenty years. The man he killed is buried in the Lenora cemetery and his tombstone bears the information of when and by whom he was murdered.
Our closest neighbors were the family of Mr. Mooney, president of the bank, who were very friendly and obliging. We had to carry all our water from their pump, because when we tried to drive a well on our lot the auger couldn't penetrate the shale. We had brought a cow from the claim and she made this inconvenience of access to water rather annoying. We finally sold her. Other close neighbors were the Gatlins. They were from Coin and came to Kansas shortly after us. Mr. Gatlin was the carpenter who built our house, on exactly the

[Page 18]

Kansas History
same plan as his own. The oldest daughter, Libbie, taught in the Lenora school, and from her I took some music lessons on the organ and learned a number of songs. Among them were "Dublin Bay;"5 "My Father Was a Spanish Merchant" or "No, Sir, No, Sir;" * "In days of old when knights were bold" T and "The Ship that Never Returned."
Another song was Longfellow's "I Stood on the Bridge at Midnight."" There were fifteen verses, but surely no one could ever have sung them all!
"Down in the Deep Deep Sea" was a song of which I recall only that line.
My parents had always been determined that I should have school advantages and mother was still resolved on this, despite the little progress I had made in our moving from place to place. The move to Lenora was no exception. The teacher was a miserable excuse. He spent nearly as much time between 9 a. m. and 4 p. m. in the billiard hall as in the school room. There was, of course, no semblance of order. One of the favorite pastimes was to pepper one another with water from bottles which had been brought to the school to clean slates. A hollow quill inserted through the cork turned the bottle into an excellent sprinkler. So again, so far as learning from books was concerned, the move to Lenora was a failure.
There was, however, a brighter side. I did get to meet and associate with people of my own age. Outside of school my surroundings were
5.  By Mrs. Crawford and Ceorge Baker, published in The Franklin Square Collection, v. 4 (1887). p. 118.—Louise Pound. Folk-Song of Nebraska and the Central West: A Syllabus {Nebraska Academy of Science Publications, v. 9. no. 3. 1915). p. 42— hereafter cited as Pound, Syllabus
6.  "No, Sir" appeared in Treoturv of Song (1882), with words and music by A. M. Wakefield; also in One Hundred Songs of the Day by Popular Composers (Boston, 1885), and in Mary O. Eddy, Ballads and Songs From Ohio (New York. 1939), p. 146.
7.  The words of "A Warrior Bold" were by Edwin Thomas, the music by Michael Maybrick (1844-1913), an English baritone who composed under the name "Stephen Adams."—Helen K. Johnson, Frederic Dean. Reginald DeKoveri. and Cerrit Smith. eds„ The World's Best Music, Famous Songs and Those Who Made Them (New York. 1904), v. 4, p. 1048; One Hundred Songs of the Day   .   .   . (1885), p. 18; and Heart Songs (Boston, 1909), pp.
8.  By Henry Clay Work (1832-1884), best known as the author of "Marching Through Georgia."—Sigmund Spaeth, A History of Popular Music in America (New York, 1948), p. 157. The text is readily available in such collections as Sigmund Spaeth, Weep Some More. My Lady (Garden City, N. Y., 1927). p. 138; Mellinger E. Henry, Folk-Songs From the Southern Highlands (New York, 1938). pp. 369-370; Louis Albert Banks, Immortal Songs of Camp and Field (Cleveland. 1899). pp. 137-145.
9.  "The Bridge." from The Belfry of Bruges 11846), can be found in any of the many editions of Longfellow's collected poetical works. I have been unable to locate the music to which this poem was set as a song.
10.  I have been unable to find anything further about "Down in the Deep Deep Sea."
not so drab as formerly. There was considerable snow that winter and I spent many evenings on the rather steep and long hill between the school house and the business district. Also that winter a blind girl, Eva Webb, came to Lenora to give music lessons. Through her efforts a literary society was organized, which met in the homes of the members. Readings, recitations, and instrumental music made up the programs. This gave her music pupils a chance to perform in public and helped all connected with it. There were probably a dozen in the group. Among the songs sung in the literary society was the still-popular "Clementine." " A song I learned from the blind girl began:
Adam was de fust man, Cainie was anudder; Cainie was a lad man, Cainie killed his brudder.12
Another interesting diversion in the fall of 1888 was the presidential election. Cleveland was running for re-election, on the Democratic ticket, against Benjamin Harrison. The great issue was the tariff. There were torch-light processions and many rallies, both outdoors and in the hall over Nettleton's store. A rally without a quartette singing clever songs would be potatoes without salt. The most popular were:
We've laid aside the sword and gun.
The knapsack and canteen,
And now fight at the ballot box                                   <$ (*
With paper white and clean.
The names that we have written there
For loyal hearts will do.
And we'll elect them, never fear—
We gray-haired boys in blue.1*
The Cannon Ball goes 'round the bend— Good-bye, old Grover, good-bye— It's loaded down with Harrison men— Good-bye, old Grover, good-bye!
11.   "Il is possible thai the . . popular Clementine was . . . written in 1883, but the origin of this thoroughly American favorite is a bit on the cloudy side. It is generally credited to Percy Montross. which may have been a fictitious name. . . ."—Spaeth. PopuJdf Music, p. 227. "My Darling Clementine" can be found in numerous collections of American popular sonRS.
12.  "Creation Song." otherwise known as "Walk in de Parlor" or "History of the World." is a minstrel song popular in the 1840's and
1850's and said to have been first published in 1847. For texts, see John Harrington Cox. Folk-Songs of the South (Cambridge, Mass..
1925), pp 501-502, and Philip 0. Jordan and Lillian Kessler. Song* of Yesterday (Garden City. N. Y.. 1941). pp. 231-233.
13.  "We've laid aside the sword and gun" was. of course, intended to identify the Republican party with the cause of the Union during the Civil War and to make a special appeal to the Union veterans—the "gray-haired boys in blue"—who had fought for its preservation a quarter century earlier.

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Catharine Emma Wiggins: Teacher
Bye, Grover, bye-oh!
What makes you sigh so?
Bye, Grover, bye-oh!
Good-bye, old Grover, good-bye! u
And also:
We'll send them up the Old Salt Blver, Four years to stay, And we'll give them a red bandanna To wipe their tears away.15
These were all Republican songs. Jt was quite the thing for the girls to wear caps bearing the names of their favorites. Always with the minority, my own cap bore the name of Belva Lockwood,16 the women's suffrage candidate, for my mother was in her way a political pioneer and a firm believer in votes for women. In August, 1888, my oldest brother, David Lincoln (variously known as Lincoln, Link, Davie, and, eventually, D, L.) had come out to Kansas via covered wagon with Ed and Lon Vawter, two Coin boys; the latter came only for a trip, but my brother was making a permanent change. He had been clerking in the drugstore of Loy and Berryhiil, but the wages were too low, so he decided on the Kansas venture. It was on this trip that he really learned the tobacco habit, having first picked it up from Bill Fisher, a neighbor of ours on the Iowa farm. Mother found some in his pocket and was horrified. In Kansas he tried to get work in a drugstore, but could find nothing, so he went to Hill City, Graham County, passed the teacher's examination, and was elected to teach in a soddy just north of our homestead. He had taught about a month when Mr. McGill came up from Hill City and offered him a job in his drugstore there. He assured him that he could make more in the store than by teaching, and insisted that they together ask the school board for a release. This they obtained, and Miss Minerva Coleman, a second cousin, on our mother's mother's side, the daughter of Sara Brown Coleman, was engaged to finish the term. The little matter that she had no certificate didn't stand in the way. Anything went
14.  Sung lo the tun* of "Good-hye, My Lover. Good-bye!"
15.  "The Old Salt River" was a stream, briny with tears, up which defeated political candidates were traditionally said to row. The tunc of this song was appropriately slow and melancholy. I have never been able to find in print the words or music of any of these campaign songs.
16.  Belva Ann Bennett Lockwood (1830-1917) was a teacher and lawyer, the "first woman ever admitted to practice before the Supreme Court of the United States." She engaged in "a life-long struggle for women's rights" and also lectured on behalf of "temperance, peace, and arbitration." She twice ran for the presidency, in 1884 and 1888, on the ticket of the National Equal Rights Party of the Pacific Coast.—-Dictionary of American Biography.
then. So D. L. received the school checks and sent them on to her, also making out the year's report from her data, thirty miles from the school. He remained in Hill City until the spring of '89, when Mr. McGill put him in charge of a branch in Morland. Since he had to live at the hotel, we decided it would be a financial advantage if we should move to Morland, which we did in the summer.
Morland or Fremont
MORLAND was smaller than Lenora, with a population of 150 to 200, but was a good trade center. It rejoiced in three names: Kalula, the railroad station; Fremont, the town site; and Morland, the post office." There were four general stores: Cole & Kenney (from Kentucky); Stober's (the proprietors were familiarly known as Uncle George and Aunt Appie); Goff's—which also sold patent medicines; and Snyder Horton's; two hotels: the K. house, run by D. C. Kay, and the Smith hotel; Covalt's, hardware and implements; a barbershop owned by Sammy Deerholt, a hunchback; a livery stable; two drug stores, one of little worth; and a bank, the president of which was Grover Walker.
There was a one-room school house with a seating capacity of perhaps sixty, badly crowded, taught by Miss Mary Wills, who boarded at our house part of the time. There were a few very unruly youngsters, chief of whom was Frank Langley, son of the M. E. minister, known for miles around as Uncle Jack. Frank had to be dealt with very severely to keep him within any bounds whatsoever. On one occasion Uncle Jack walked back to school with his son, admonishing him and telling him that he must forgive and love his teacher, who had whipped him; to which Frank replied, "Father, I can forgive her, but I can't love her." Uncle Jack, on their arrival at the school-house, talked very calmly to the teacher and departed with the remark, "Well, if you have to kill him, pick up the pieces to that we can have a funeral."
The people of Fremont were very friendly and we were soon acquainted. Those were the days when people really "went calling." Our stay in Fremont on this occasion was, however, very brief, D. L. being transferred again to Hill
17. For a brief account of Morland. which our author usually calls Fremont, see Kansas: A Guide to the Sunflower State (New York, 1939). pp. 332-333.


[Page 20]

An early view of Hill City, county seat of Graham county, where Catharine Emma Wiggins and her family moved in 1889. At right is the county courthouse. An implement store is on the left and the large building in the
center is the Boston Cash Store.
City, which necessitated our moving there in July, 1889.
Hill City
HILL CITY, a town of 1200 to 1500 population, the county seat of Graham County, was indeed "set upon a hill." " The railroad, the Lincoln branch of the Union Pacific, was a mile from town and down-grade all the way. Here, it is said, originated the oft-repeated story of the traveling man who upon alighting from the train said to a small boy, "Why do they have the depot so far from town?", to which the boy replied, "So it would be near the tracks, I suppose." Hill City had become the county-seat only after a county-seat fight with Millbrook, on the south side of the river; then, after Hill City's victory, there was a fight within the town over which side, the north or the south, should be the "town," and where the post office should be located. There must have been some rather wealthy men who had faith in the town, for there were several blocks in the business section, everything very new. The largest stores on the South Side were Mitchell's and Poston's. On the North Side was the Pomeroy Block, with the Pomeroy Hotel, the Pomeroy Store, and the legal firm of Harwi & Pruett. There was also the Hill Block. Each side had the usual stores and shops, but although I was in Hill City for nine months and attended four normal institutes there I had so little trading to do that I never learned very much about the business section.
IS. Ibid., pp. 331-332.
In Hill City I met Miss Nora Scott, a near neighbor, now Mrs. Bert Wills of Los Angeles, who was then a teacher. The Graham County Normal Institute was about to begin and on her insistence I enrolled—the month's tuition was only a dollar—and with Miss Scott's help and interest I enjoyed the month. Among our close neighbors was a family of Negroes, and the daughter, about my age, came to call. She was the first Negro I could remember having spoken to in all my life. Our conversation was principally about the organ, she remarking that she "just played chords." Her call was duly returned, my mother accompanying me, as otherwise I should probably have been too backward to go. I was soon to become somewhat better acquainted with Negroes, for there were two Negro sisters, named Betty and Anna, in the Hill City school, and Betty sat just across the aisle. I was wearing my hair pulled back very tightly, and one day, with a broad smile, she remarked, "Honey, you look just like a peeled onion." There was a town a few miles east of Hill City, named Nicodemus, the population of which was entirely Negro."
School opened about the first of September; I bought books and entered the first really good school I had known since the spring of 1885 when my last year in the Coin school had ended—four years of school practically lifted out of my life and with which I have never "caught up." It was here for the first time that I
19. Nicodemus was founded by the "Exodustcrs." Southern Negroes seeking a "Promised Land ' In Kansas.—/frid. pp. 329-331.

[Page 21]

Cathamnf. Emma Wiggins: Teacher
studied history, physiology, and advanced geography; I was still in Ray's "third part" arithmetic. We had an excellent teacher. Miss Mary Mechem, qualified, friendly, and conscientious.
On Sept. 9, 1889, however, D. L. bought the Fremont drugstore for $2,000, making a $25 down-payment, and mortgaging the store and mother's Lenora property for the balance; he paid 18 per cent interest on the mortgage and 2 per cent a month on overdrafts. Since the City of Fremont was a government town-site he did not have title to the lots until he "proved up" on them. The title was contested, but he finally won out at the hearing in Oberlin. In the meantime, mother went with him to Fremont, to keep house for him, leaving me to attend school in Hill City, my first experience of being away from home.
I first boarded at a home quite above anything to which I had been accustomed—a good stone house, well furnished, and each meal a feast. However I could not endure to stay there. The lady of the house was a devout Catholic and nightly called upstairs to know if her daughters had said their prayers; she didn't know how the younger sister tickled the feet of the older while engaged in this pious exercise. But that wasn't what perturbed me. It was that her husband, a quite elderly and feeble man, who was, or rather had been, a Presbyterian, was accustomed to ask a mock blessing before each meal—pausing after each few words to laugh and make some funny remark. I was afraid to look up, for I was sure that eventually the walls would fall down upon me. So I made some excuse, or lie, and found room and board at a very humble home where I was none too comfortable. Mr. S. took inflammatory rheumatism during the winter and, since the sitting room was also the dining room and bed room, I went rather early to my unheated room, wrapped myself in the bedclothes, and studied. Our menu was bread and fried potatoes for breakfast, fried potatoes and bread for dinner, and for the evening meal a combination of the two. Potatoes were 15 cents per bushel. There was no coffee or other hot drink except occasionally sassafras tea. Friends in the country brought milk once in a while. But Mrs. S. could bake the best of bread, I never tired of the potatoes, and no one could have been a neater housekeeper. I was, however, always glad in-
deed when the weekend came when I was to go home and eat mother's good meals. Board and room per week was $2 at each of these places.
There was no depot at Fremont—just a platform—and consequently no way to tell whether or not the train for Hill City, due at 4 a. m., would be on time. D. L. always went with me to the train and sometimes we had to wait for hours in cold, snow, or rain. A bus, however, always met the train at Hill City.
There was very little social life in the Hill City school, but that made no difference to me, for I had to study hard and late to accomplish what I had started out to do. During school hours I tried to have my lessons so well under control that I could listen to the more advanced classes recite, and I picked up a good bit in this way.
The subjects, their content, and the methods of teaching in the Hill City school did not differ materially from those in other schools which I later attended. Each "reading lesson" was preceded by a list of words and their definitions, which words we were to be able to spell and define. Each pupil was required to read a paragraph aloud, with little assistance or correction from the teacher. A spelling lesson consisted of from ten to twenty words, which were pronounced by the teacher and written down by the pupils. Then the papers were exchanged and the pupils graded one another's work. Grammar was principally devoted to diagramming and parsing sentences. The definition of grammatical terms was also stressed. Sentences with blanks were submitted to us and we were required to fill in the proper form of the omitted words, usually verbs. I recall, while attending the Hoxie school, diagramming the preamble to the Constitution. The definitions of the parts of speech were at my tongue's end at any hour of the day or night.
In physiology we were required to name and locate all the bones of the body, and also about twenty muscles; to trace a bite of bread through all its processes—prehension, mastication, deglutition, digestion, absorption!; to trace the blood from capillary to capillary. We never, of course, performed an experiment. In geography we learned to define the various formations of land and water-—cape, sea, etc. We memorized the states and capitals of the United States, and the countries of other continents, with their capitals, together with the

[Page 22]
                                                                 Kansas History
principal industries of each state or country. There was a good deal of map drawing. In arithmetic we worked out the problems on the blackboard and then, pointer in hand, explained them, step by step, to the class.
History, however, was a "mess." No information from outside of the text-book was brought in by either teacher or pupil. Great stress was laid on battles, the opposing generals, and the number of killed and wounded. I still think of history as a crazy patchwork. I am sure that it possesses a coherence and a logical sequence of events, but as taught to me it was meaningless.
After recess on Friday there were usually spelling and ciphering matches, captains choosing sides for each event. We wrote the multiplication tables, added, subtracted, multiplied, and divided, and there were no short simple problems. Then, too, there were literary exercises which must have been of a voluntary nature, since I can't recall taking part. Will Carleton's poems were popular—"Betsey and I are out," "Over the hills to the poorhouse," and one about the schoolboard visiting school.21 On one occasion a staving "big girl recited a poem in which she reiterated positively, conclusively, and rather belligerently: "Lips that touch liquor shall never touch mine.
teaching: the smith school Near Fremont
IN APRIL, 1890, at the age of sixteen, I took the teacher's examination and secured a third-grade certificate; and as soon as my school closed I taught my first term of two months. May and June, at the Smith school about nine miles north of Fremont, at $20 per month. I boarded at home and for about two weeks rode to school horseback, on a side-saddle and wearing a long riding-skirt. The horse, for which I paid 25 cents per day, was a frightfully rough trotter, so I drove him to a cart for the rest of the time. I had ten pupils ranging  from   chart-class   through   the   fifth
20.  Will Carleton (1845-1912) was the author of several volumes of sentimental poems, mostly about rural life.
21.   Form Ballads (1873). pp. 17-20. and pp. 51-56 In 1902 edition; for The School Master's Guests." Farm Ltgends (1875). pp. 3-9 in 1906 edition.
22.  By George W. Young (born ca. 1865).—Phineas Carrett. ed.. One Hundred Choice Selections, No. 16 (Philadelphia. 1906); John Bartlett. ed. Familiar Quotations (Boston. 1948). p. 794. The tent and a discussion of the poem's history is in Vance Randolph. Ozark Folktongi. v. 2 (Columbia, Mo., 1948), pp. 435436.
reader. Some brought new books and some those their fathers and mothers had used; this meant many classes. The schoolhouse was a soddy, about fourteen feet square, with half windows, dirt floor, and no plastering, but with factory-made desks. The school wasn't very interesting to me and I doubt that the children considered it very profitable. Fear was still dogging me, and the night before school opened I slept very little for wondering what I would do if, when I rang the bell, the children would not come into the school house! And that was another trouble that never happened. My pupils were, in fact, exceedingly friendly and co-operative. One morning, on the way to school, the horse stumbled, and my tin dinner-bucket was thrown out of the cart, the lid coming off and the contents being scattered. On the pupils learning of my mishap that noon they generously divided their lunches with me. The contribution of one small boy was a fried fish, which tasted very good until I had eaten enough of it to discover that the intestinal tract had not been removed, after which I suddenly lost my appetite.
1WAS QUITE aware that I was not qualified to teach, so the next winter, 1890-1891, I, together with Mary and Emma Wills and their small brother, occupied mother's house in Lenora; Emma and I took the most advanced work offered, 'Mary taught in the primary department, and the brother also attended school. This was another profitable venture, for we had a very fine teacher, Miss Van Cleave.23 In addition to the usual subjects I also studied bookkeeping, which was then a requirement for a first-grade certificate, learning the use of daybook, journal, and ledger. It was nine months of hard study, a few parties, and a generally congenial time.
In the fall of 1891 Brother Sam,2' who had been working for Grace & Hyde since 1888, building depots from Norton, Kansas, to Colorado Springs, joined us at Fremont and helped D. L. in the drugstore until the spring of 1892, when he went to Chicago to work again for Grace & Hyde on the University of Chicago buildings, the Fisheries Building at the World's Fair, a large re-feeding sheep-barn on
23.  The school situation at Lenora had evidently much improved between 1888 and 1890.
24.  Samuel Telford Wiggins (1869-1953)

[Page 23]

Catharine Emma Wiccins: Teacher                                                23
the C. R. I. & P. near Norris, Illinois, and a large residence at Lake Forest.
teaching: the covolt school Near Fremont
HAVING had "experience" I had no difficulty in securing, for the winter of 1891-1892, the Covolt school about two and a half miles east of Fremont. The term was six months and the salary $25 per month, about the usual country-school wage. The school-house was a "dugout," that is, it was dug back into a hill so that at the rear only about two feet of sod was above ground. It faced toward a deep canyon and the view was not inspiring. There was the usual dirt floor, unplastered walls, home-made desks, and medley of books. The first few days it rained and drizzled and drizzled and rained. It was in October and beginning to get cold. Those first days were so dreary and desolate that, while crying has always been rather out of my line, I went home in tears and wanted to quit. I decided I wanted to learn the drug business, but mother and D, L. talked me our of that and I continued to teach. I had about fifteen pupils and on the whole this school eventually proved more interesting than the first. I still had my inferiority complex and felt very unsure of myself, but I must have put up a fairly bold front for neither then, nor at any time during my total teaching experience of sixty months, did I ever have any serious trouble over "order." One of my pupils in this school was a boy who had been expelled from the Fremont school. Years later he got into a quarrel and killed a man, but! never had a better behaved pupil. His sister, Nancy G., and I were quite good friends.
Social Life in Fremont
FREMONT was the home of my mother from September, 1889, to the summer of 1892, and consequently my own home for much of this time. Social life consisted of dances, literary society, and evangelistic meetings. The dances were in the homes in the country, and to make space for "tripping the light fantastic," the host would move the furniture into some other room or out of doors. The orchestra would consist of a single fiddle, and some one would volunteer or be drafted to "call off." Some of the calls were:"
25. See Elaine Hubbard I.inscoll. Folk Songs of Old New En-
Stand (New York. 1939). pp. 57-120. for many country- dances and anee calls.
First lady lead out to the right of the ring. And when you get there remember to swing, And when you have swung, remember the call: "Aleman left and promenade all!"
First gent, lead out
and so on through all four couples. That finished what was known as a "set." Perhaps the call was:
First and third couples, forward and back.
First and third couples, forward and pass over.
Swing your partner.
Right hand your partner and grand right and left.
Second and fourth couples, forward and back
and so on as before. Another call was: Swing that girl, that pretty little girl. The girl you love so kindly, Walk right through and balance too. And swing the girl behind you.
Aleman left, grand right and left. Promenade eight when you get straight.
"Aleman" was the partners' clasping hands at about head level and swinging once around. To "pfomenade" was to go 'round the circle arm in arm with one's partner, all four couples doing the same. "Grand right and left" was to go 'round the circle clasping hands with each boy (or girl) in turn, and swinging. To "balance" was to stop and make a slight bow to one's partner. Practically all dances in Fremont were "square" dances.
Occasionally we went to Skelton* to a literary society which would be followed by a dance. Our means of transportation was a strawberry-roan mustang pony named Blucher, hitched to a cart. It's a wonder we didn't freeze in this topless, sideless, and, except for slats upon which to put our feet, bottomless conveyance. We wrapped our feet in blankets as best we could and put folds of carpet or comforts under them, but the vehicle still lacked considerable of the warmth of an enclosed automobile with a heater.
The literary society in Fremont was typical. The programs consisted of readings, recitations, dialogues or very short plays, quartettes of either male or mixed voices, instrumental selections on the little reed organ. Occasionally
26. Skelton was a village on the line between Graham and Sheridan counties, a little west of Fremont, or Morland. Between 1895 and 1898 its name became Studley— Rand SlcSallu Buhni Alias (Chicago. 18951. pp 266. 268; Rand McNally Enlarged Kimm .< Alla« (Chicago. 18981, p. 296.

[Page 24]

Kansas History
some one would be called on to sing a song for which he was popular. One was "I wish I was single again,"     of which the last stanza was:
My wife she died, oh then, my wife she died, oh (hen. My wife she died and I laughed till I cried To think I was single again!
Usually there was a debate, but on nothing very timely or profound, such as "Resolved, That there is more pleasure in pursuit than in possession," or "That fire is more destructive than water," or "That a hen and chickens can do more damage in a garden than a pig." There was always a "newspaper" in which everybody's private life became public property, most of the material being fictitious and all taken in good humor. The "dates" both old and new certainly came in for their share of publicity. It was in Fremont that I had my first "beau"—the first of very few. He was as bashful as myself. I particularly recall his great mouthful of teeth, so like a horse, and that this young Lochinvar's fiery steeds were a team of mules.
From my earliest childhood my brothers had teased me every time a boy spoke to me. They did not intend to be mean—just didn't realize how backward I was and that I badly needed to be pushed forward rather than pulled back. By the time I was old enough to have boys pay me any attention I was "boy-shy" and absolutely tongue-tied. During my years in various towns of Northwest Kansas several quite pleasing boys tried to pay me some attention, but 1 had by this time persuaded myself that I could have more fun without them, and they seemed a sort of fifth wheel in my happiness. I did "go with" a very few, with whom I happened to feel more at ease than with others, but from the age of seventeen or eighteen until I was nearly twenty-two I do not suppose there were more than twelve or fifteen boys with whom I dated even once, and I went with only two of them for any length of time. Of course later I realized that my backwardness had caused me to miss many good times.
While in Fremont during the summer I took lessons on the organ from Mrs. Cheese Brown at twenty-five cents"each. I wasn't a good pupil. I didn't like to practise and my left hand had a
27. Most version* of "I Wish I Were Single Again" end differently.—See Hubert C. Shearin and Josiah H. Combs. A Syllabus of Kentucky Folk-Songs (Transylvania University Studies in English 11. Lexington. 1911). p. 31: Pound. Sj/llabus, p. 58; John A arid Alan Lornax, American Ballads and folk Songs (New York. 1934). pp. 156-158 (the most nearly complete text).
way of finding keys that would chord with the music played by my right hand, so I never did learn to read the notes readily in the bass clef. Mrs. Brown had a very lovely voice and sometimes sang when she came to give me lessons. One of the songs was "Mrs. Lofty," " which began:
Mrs. Lofty has her carriage. So have I, so have I.
The gist of the song was that Mrs. Lofty's carriage was equipped with fine horses and a coachman, but that the singer's carriage contained a blue-eyed baby and therefore she didn't envy Mrs. Lofty, who had no children. Another song was a spiritual:
I am climbing Jacob's ladder [three times], Dear land of Jubilee.28
Some one, in the winter of 1891-1892, had the initiative to find a local cast and put on a play, taken from one of our books. How to Spend Winter Evenings. The title was "The Picture in the Frame." It was profuse in high-sounding expressions and was a real "meller-drammer." It was given in the church to a packed house. My brother Sam had a part but I was not invited to be a member of the cast. No wonder—my tongue would have cloven to the roof of my mouth.
Magic lantern shows were another popular form of entertainment then and seemed really wonderful. They were mostly devoted to scenes from the Civil War.
Neither cars, nor golf, nor movies, nor even baseball as a Sunday amusement, were extant in those days, so both saint and sinner went to church. Two denominations, the M. E. and the Presbyterian, used the same building on alternate Sundays, but there was far less of "brethren dwelling together in unity" then than now. There seemed always to be some little thing to jangle about, so small that none of them remain in my memory, but the lack of harmony was evident. The Sunday School was on a union basis. The informality of the meetings may be gauged by a unique election of Sunday School officers. Mr. Jim Stone's term as superintendent had expired. Some one volun-
28.  The music for "Mrs. Lofty and 1" was composed in the late 1850's by Judson Hutchinson, of the famous Singing Hutchinsons; the words were by Mrs. Cildersleeve Ixingstreet. Buffalo. N. Y.— Carol Brink. Harps in Ihe Wind (New York, 1947). pp. 186-187.
29.  References to "Jacob's Ladder" and "The Year of Jubilee" are common in Negro spirituals. A song with lines similar to those in the text is in Marshall W. Taylor. PfonlaHon Melodies (Cincinnati. 1883). p. 259 See. also. Randolph, Folksongs, v. 2. p. 336. and Pound. Syllabus, p. 54.

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teered the information that we must elect a superintendent, but no one took charge. Then Mrs. C, a rather old, angular, and determined lady, rose to her feet and announced, "I move that Jim Stone be the superintendent of this here Sunday school." Dead silence. "Then Jim Stone is the superintendent." Some one-remonstrated, "But the motion hasn't been seconded." "/ second the motion," said Mrs. C. Then: "It has been moved and seconded that Jim Stone be the superintendent of this here Sunday School. All in favor say T." "II", said Mrs. C, and no one else. All opposed, 'No'." Dead silence again. "Then," said Mrs. C, "Jim Stone is superintendent of this here Sunday School."
The Presbyterian minister, Mr. Atkinson, lived in Hill City and came to Fremont on alternate Sundays. The distance was about twelve miles and since he was rather frail he always stayed over night on Sunday and some times came down on Saturday night. He made our house his home on these occasions and was a delightful guest. None of us belonged to either church, mother remaining a staunch United Presbyterian, but Mr. Atkinson was never insistent on her uniting with the Presbyterians. I taught Sunday school and sang in both choirs. Among the hymns of my choir-singing days in Fremont were "None of Self and All of Thee" " and the stirring "Only an Armour Bearer."31
I helped to direct one very satisfactory Children's'Day program. The main event was a cantata and we really whipped it into shape, carrying out the program as printed, including a voluntary, even if it did have to be played on a little reed-organ, Mrs. Brown was the organist and had charge of all the music. The church was beautifully decorated with wild flowers: yucca, or soap-weed (so-called from the fact that the Indians used the root for soap), a plant with a sword-like leaf and the flowers growing in spikes as much as a yard high, with a cream-colored blossom like a lily and a perfume like a tube-rose; "mallows," a purplish-
30.  Written in 1874 by Theodore Monod and first published in 1876. J«hn Julian. A Dictionary of Humnologu (London. 1908). pp.
31.   By Philip Paul Bins (1838-1876), a singing evangelist, who collaborated with Ira Sankey in bringing out Gospel Songs (1874). which included such well-known Gospel hymns as "Hold the Fort," "Only an Armor Bearer." "Let the Lower Lights Be Burning,' and ' Pull For the Shore." "Only an Armor Bearer" was published originally in The Sunshine (1873).—Julian. Humnologv, pp. ii, 150.
red flower resembling a wild rose; sensitive plant, with a composite purple head, the leaves of which would close when touched; beautiful white and yellow thistles; and, of course, sunflowers. The minister's daughter accompanied him that morning and was more than surprised by the performance as well as by the decorations. On another occasion I trained the children in a Christmas cantata, "The Trial of Santa Claus."
The Presbyterian meetings, always quiet, reserved, conventional, were not so interesting as the Methodist, which were rather unpredictable. Uncle Jack Langley, as he was familiarly called, was the preacher—tall, well over six feet, large, rawboned, bald-headed, with a red, smooth face and prominent veins on temple and forehead. He literally "gave little thought to his raiment." Coat, vest, and collar were often thrown aside as he warmed up to his message. During a sermon he could run the full gamut of emotion—crack a joke, tell a funny story, and the next moment pound on the pulpit with his big fist or with tears running down his cheeks exhort his hearers to better living. He was a Mason, and was often heard to say, "I'd go to the length of my cable-tow any time anywhere to help my brother." Dancing, card-playing, and drinking were the trio of iniquities and were accounted to be about on the same level. Dancing or card playing was the besetting sin of some of the church members and they had to be re-converted during each revival. Uncle Jack was particularly severe on card-playing, though he used to confess, with what seemed a twinkle and a sly smile, that there was a time when he thought he knew more about cards than the fellow who put the spots on them. I loved to go to dances, and certainly much preferred dancing to kissing-games, which were considered o.k. or at least not denounced from the pulpit. I drew the line sharply, however, against playing cards; I had a feeling that they proceeded directly from Hades and that the Devil himself was their inventor. "Authors," checkers, and later dominoes were played in our home, but cards, never! My mother didn't approve of dancing, either, but she never said much, if anything, about it to her children. We knew that she had danced herself as a girl in Pennsylvania, and she often told us that there never was a Wig-

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gins or an Armstrong32 who couldn't dance or play the fiddle or both. She realized, too, that there was little or no other amusement. If I stayed out too late I would jokingly remind her of the time in Pennsylvania when she stayed out until 4 A.M.! I had gotten this information from hearing her and father talking over old times during our long winter evenings in Iowa. I never exceeded mother's hours and, indeed, danced as late as 4 A. M. only once. I was usually at home by 12 midnight at the latest, which in these days is only the shank of the evening.
How those of us who sang in the choir ever managed to keep straight faces on some occasions I don't know. Maybe we didn't. One Sunday, after the sermon, the collection was taken up in hats, as was the custom. One of the collectors was Uncle Andy Reed, who, after the contents of the impromptu collection-basket had been turned out beside the pulpit, most nonchalantly put on his hat and started back up the aisle. Uncle Jack, without a smile, announced, "Uncle Andy will take off his hat, we'll have the doxology, and be dismissed with the benediction." What went on in the choir itself was often funny enough, as when once we were singing "The Ninety and Nine" " and the tenor, in full voice, proclaimed: "Out in the dessert [sic] he heard its cry / Sick and helpless and ready to die."
The preaching service in the evening was usually preceded by a "testimony" meeting. The testimonies, often interspersed with tears, consisted of a confession of sin in general or particular, with a promise to refrain in the future, and the request: "Pray for me that I may be faithful." The testimony of John W., who drank a good deal, was usually "I know what it is to be on the mountain high and in the valley low. Pray for me that I may some day reach the heavenly shores," to which Uncle Jack would respond encouragingly, "You'll git there, Johnny!" Another man, with a houseful of children and almost too lazy to bring the food to his own mouth, took pleasure in telling the congregation that he relied on the promise,
32.  The molher of Mrs. Wiggins's late husband was Lena Ann Armstrong. Mrs. Wiggins herselTwas a MeCollum. and that family, and her mother's people, the Browns, seem to have been a stricter. sterner lot.
33.  Words by Elizabeth Clephanes (1830-1869). music by Ira D. Sankey (1840-1908), published ca. 1876—Ira D. Sankey, My Life and Sacred Sonet (London. 1908). pp. 247-251; Spaeth. Popular Music, pp. 198-199. For complete text, sec Henry F. Cope,ed.. One Hundred Hymni You Ought lo Know (Chicago. 1906). p. 111.
"Trust in the Lord and do right; so shalt thou dwell in the land and verily thou shalt be fed." His family was "on the county." Some of the women took it upon themselves to go to his home and expostulate with the wife and mother concerning the numerous and frequent additions to the family, to which she replied, "It is the Lord's will." One of the women, reporting the visit, snorted, "If / was that woman I'd see if it was the Lord's will!"
In those days they had the mourners' bench at which new converts knelt. At revival services there was plenty of excitement, "Amens" and "Hallelujahs" from the congregation, as Uncle Jack, in tears and with outstretched arms, pled for the sinners to come forward. One night some of the young men got together and decided to go forward, partly as a lark and partly to please Uncle Jack. After they knelt he asked them to pray the Lord's Prayer, but since it was familiar to only part of them, considerable prompting passed up and down the line amid much suppressed merriment.
Converts joined on six months' probation, after fulfilling which they were baptized by whatever method they preferred. For those who desired immersion, a date was set when the weather was likely to be suitable. One such event took place on a very warm day after a big rain which had filled the buffalo wallows. A particularly large and deep wallow, about a mile north of town, was the baptismal font. The water was pretty turbid, but one by one the applicants, each clothed in a white robe of some sort, as was also the minister, walked in and were baptized. Immediately after the ceremony a large dog plunged in and swam gallantly across." The rite ended with prayer, and singing "Shall we gather at the river? " B "Pull for the shore" was another hymn which was popular on such occasions.1*
34.  When John Steuart Curry's painting, "Baptism in Kansas," portraying a young woman about to he immersed in a watering tank, was exhibited at the Century of Progress in Chicago, 1933-1934, it aroused a good deal of criticism from supersensitive Kan-sans who felt that it portrayed the state as unduly crude and primitive. The wife of a Methodist minister, an excellent woman from Eastern Kansas, denounced the painting before a woman's club, declaring that no one in Kansas had ever been baptized in a watering tank! The author of these reminiscences charitably refrained from remarking that she had seen more than one baptism—under Methodist auspices, too—performed not even in a watering tank but in a muddy buffalo wallow'
35.   By Robert Lowry (1826-1899). a Baptist minister; words and music appeared in Happy Voices (1865). no. 220.—Julian. Hym-nologv. pp. 699-700.
36.  This hymn, originally known as "The Lifeboat," by Philip Bliss, was first published in The Song Tree (1872) —Julian. Hum-nology, pp. i. 150. See also, footnote 31. Hardly an appropriate hymn, under the circumstances, however!

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Catharine Emma Wiccins: Teacher                                                27
Some time after we left Fremont, Uncle Jack was taken very ill, but finally recovered. After this his temper was quite mollified. He said he had seen Heaven opened and would have liked to have gone on in, but "the Lord wanted me to stay with Jane and the boys a little while longer." He said that what he saw during this illness was something about which man should not speak, and whatever he saw was never revealed. While we were in Hoxie he "supplied" the M. E. pulpit for a few Sundays, and it was really good to see him again.
Hill City: Teachers' Normal Institute
I ATTENDED Teachers' Normal Institute in Hill City during four Augusts, 1889-1892. The first August I was at home, and the second year I stayed at Mr. Gamett's, but the third and fourth years I was at "Pap" Connor's hotel. Several of us girls had our rooms there and quite a number of other teachers were there for meals. Board and room were $3 a week and the food was excellent. We studied hard, but also had a lot of fun. After the noon meal a crowd would gather in the hotel "par- -lor" and we would sing and sing—hymns galore in chorus, after which various persons would contribute ballads. The popular hymns were "Weary gleaner, whence comest thou?, " " "Dark is the night and cold the wind is blowing," "When the roll is called up yonder," * "Where is my wandering boy tonight?,'"" "Pull for the shore,"" "Let the lower lights be burning," ** and "I will sing of my Redeemer" —all from Gospel Hymns. During these years temperance songs were popular. Of one I recall only, "Let whiskey
37.  Also by Philip Bliss; Gospel Hymns (1875).
38.  By Fanny Crosby (1820-1915). blind hymn writer and port, who was the author of about 6.000 hymns.—Julian, Hymnology, pp. i. 1203. 1204.
39.  Words and music by James M. Black, first published. 1893.—Spaeth. Popular Music, p. 265. Judging from the stated date of publication, the author's memory may be slightly in error as to the time and place of this song's popularity.
40.   By the Rev. Robert l.owry (1826-1899)— srr footnote 35. first published in Fountain of Song (1877).—Julian, Humnologu. a. 700. See Daniel B. Towner and Charles M. Alexander. Revival Hymns (Chicago, 1905), no. 224. The temperance parody of this song, of which the first lines are: "Where is my wandering boy tonight? Down in a licensed saloon." was probably better known than the original. It was by W. A. Williams and was copyrighted in 1892.— Randolph. Folktongi, v. 2, pp. 431-432.
41.   See footnote 30.
42.   Also known as "Brightly Beams Our Father's Mercy," words and music by the famous Philip Bliss; first published in Cospel Songs (1874).—Julian, Humnologu. pp. ii, 150.
43.  Also by Philip Bliss. First published in Cospel Hurron, No. 3 (1878).—Julian, Humnologu. pp. 150-151 The music has also been credited to James McCranahan, for which statement, and for words and music, see John Wanamaker, compiler. Living Hymns (Philadelphia, c. 1890). no. 174.
John S. Dawson (1869-1960) homesteaded in Graham county and later had a distinguished career in law and slate government service. He served 30 years on the supreme court, retiring as chief justice in 1945. Catharine Wiggins Porter remembered him for his rhyme about the Revolutionary War.
alone, for it grieves mother so! / O Tommy, dear Tommy, don't go!" " A few lines of "The Drunkard's Child" are "We were so happy till father drank rum, / It was then all our trials and troubles begun. / Down on this cold stone I now lay my head. / Father's a drunkard and mother is dead." The refrain of another was: "Father, dear father, come home with me now, / The clock in the steeple strikes nine (ten, eleven, twelve, one, and so on)." * The greatest favorite, however, was "Where is my Wandering Boy Tonight?" "
One of the solos was sung by a girl who was
quite smitten with one of the young men in the
company. Part of it went:
But oh, as I see you, day after day,
I (eel and I know that you're drifting away,
44.  By C. T. Lockwood; first published in 1867__See Philip D.
Jordan and Lillian Kessler, Songs of Yesterday (Carden City, N. Y., 1941), pp. 62. 70-73; Pound. Syllabus, p. 53.
45.  The author has prnliahly telescoped two temperance songs. 'The Drunkard's Child." words and music by Mrs. E. A. Parkhurst[ copyrighted 1870. and "Father's a DrunkarrJ and Mother Is Dead.' words by Stella (of Washington)" and music by Mrs. Park-hurst.—Jordan and Kessler. Songs, pp. 168-174. See. also. Pound, Syllabus, p. 55.
46.  By Henry Clay Work (1832-1884), published 1864. For text. see Sigmund Spaeth, Read 'em and Weep (Garden City, N. Y., 1926). pp. 64-66; Heart Songs, pp. 230-231.
47.  Probably the "temperance parody."—See footnote 40.

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Kansas History
Drifting away, yes, drifting apart,
Snapping the cords that are bound 'round my heart.
Severing ties which forever should be
Strong tics of love between you and me."
I believe, however, that she finally "got her man."
Another was a still more plaintive lament, "The Little Rosewood Casket." ™ Another gem began:
It was whispered one morning in Heaven How the little white angel. May, Stood ever beside the portal. Sorrowing all the day.   .   .   ."
It seems that Heaven was well enough in its way but May wanted her mother.
Another popular song was "The Picture That is Turned toward the Wall." "
During the Institute, entertainments, lectures, etc., would furnish amusement and some instruction one or two nights a week and also gave opportunity for getting a beau. The term "dates" was then unknown. I don't recall having any "company" and it caused me no concern. I was never jealous save of one girl who, with her teacher-father, sat not far from me one night. I thought: "If only my father could be sitting with me!" M
Among those who had rooms in the hotel or were frequent visitors were Mary and Emma Wills, Nellie and Oakie Robinson, Kate Allen, Charles Emmons, Cercy Purcell, Ola Clark, who later became county superintendent, Alva Bear, Parna Moyer, Bert Smith, Bob Garnett, Howard Tillotson,  and  John  Dawson,  now
48.  I have been unable to find anything more of. or about. "Drifting Away."
49.  I have been unable to ascertain the author, composer, or date of publication. For words and music, see E. P. Richardson. American Mountain Songs (n. p., Creenberg, 1955). p. 54; Byron Arnold. Folkionat of Alabama (Birmingham 1951). p. 67: Mellinger E. Henry. Still More Ballads and Folksongs From the Southern Highlands," Journal of American Folklore, v. 45 (January-March. 1932), pp. 92^93.
50; A complete text, under the title of "How the Cates Came Ajar" (from the Italian), appears in Frances Parkinson Keyes.ed.. A Treasury of Favorite Poems (New York, 1963), pp. 42-43, but with nothing about author or date. The author of these reminiscences, although she occasionally sang this song in my childhood, always did so in a rather satirical fashion and was at pains to point out its extremely unsound theology—a deceased little girl becomingan "angel" and the existence in Heaven of unhappiness or sorrow. The idea that the redeemed existed in Heaven as angels was a particularly sore point with her. One of her favorite religious stories was about the old Scottish Presbyterian woman who, hearing the Methodists across the street singing "I want to be an angel ana with the angels stand," sniffed: "Ah weel, dootless they hae an accurate knowledge of their ain capacities but as for me, when (gae hame to glory I shall be a saint, and the angels shall terve me!"
51.  By Charles Craham. 1891.~Spaeth, Popular Music, p. 259. fudging from the date of publication, this song must have been hot off the griddle when the author heard it in Hill City. The text can be found in numerous collections, most conveniently in Spaeth, Read 'em and Weep, pp. 179-180.
52.  The author's father had died in 1886, at the age of 44, when his daughter was only 12.
Chief Justice of the Kansas Supreme Court.1" He was regarded as a paragon of intellect, for did he not receive the highest grade given in the county examination in arithmetic?—99 per cent, his only mistake having been the omission of a decimal point! He was also the composer of a rhyme about the Revolutionary War, which began, and ended:
First Lexington in '75 and also Bunker Hill, And Ticondcroga taken by Allen's mighty will. In '76 did Washington the folks of Boston please. And at Moultrie we dared to meet the Mistress of the
Seas. Long Island and New Jersey may tell of a reverse. But long our deeds at Trenton may well be told in
verse.   .   .   . Paul Jones whipped the navy, the Serapis was his
gain.   .   .   . The British signed the treaty in 1783: Glory Hallelujah! America was free!
More About Social Life in Northwest Kansas
DROUGHT and consequently no crops, or, when there was rain, crops with low prices, caused much suffering in western Kansas during this period. The long dry spells resulted in such songs as "Kansas Land," " a parody on the hymn, "Beulah Land," with the lines:
I look away across the plain And wonder if 'twill over rain.
In the winter of 1891-1892 a carload of flour and small sacks of salt were shipped to Fremont for the relief of the poor. The local paper, the Fremont Press, was edited by Billy Hill, who lacked even a common-school education, whose office probably did not contain a dictionary of any kind, and whose spelling was consequently a source of amusement; sometimes when he asked for information his informant would purposely give him the wrong spelling. When this car-load of flour and salt was distributed the Fremont paper took the
53.  John Shaw Dawson (1869-1949) was a native of Scotland. His office-holding career, beginning in 1903, ranged from a chief clerkship in the office of the attorney general of Kansas, through the assistant attorney generalship ana the attorney generalship, up to the position of justice of the Kansas supreme court, which he held from 1915 to his retirement in 1945: during 1937-1945 he was chief Justice.—Who's Who In America, 1941 el seq. Mrs. Porter's files contain a long chatty letter from Judge Dawson. June 18. 1949, written in reply to a letter of congratulation on his attaining his 80th birthday, and consisting chiefly of news about the other persons mentioned in this paragraph. A "pamphlet about myself" which the judge enclosed has not come to hand.
54.  Similar, indeed almost identical, songs were sung in and about _ other drought-stricken states and regions, e. g., "Dakota Land."—Louise Pound, American Ballads and Songt (New York. 1922), p. 185: Pound, Syllabus, p. 28.

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Catharine Emma Wiggins: Teagiieb                                                29
trouble of publishing a page of the names of persons receiving aid, and the amount; thus: Mr. A. B. Blank, 1 sk flour 1 sk salt. It was during this winter that corn got so low, 15 cents a bushel on the cob, that, since it made an excellent fire and was much cheaper than coal, mother, like many others, used it for fuel— great long ears of high-grade yellow corn!
We ourselves were fairly prosperous, owing to the success of my brother's drug-store— which did not, however, serve toasted sandwiches and salads, but was primarily a pharmacy, though he did keep tobacco and candy and later put in a soda-fountain. He also kept really good jewelry; a gold ring, set with rubies and pearls, and a gold necklace, which he gave me about fifty years ago are still untarnished. Mother and 1 had lived as cheaply as possible up to the winter of 1889-1890, when we began to live with and keep house for D. L., after which mother always "set a good table." Our staples were pork and beef, especially the latter, either fried, or boiled with vegetables. We had "store-canned" tomatoes and corn, and mother canned peaches and apples and made apple and peach butter, also grape butter and jelly. She didn't bake a cake very often, but frequently prepared pies—dried-peach, dried-apple, and lemon. It was a plain, unimaginative, but satisfying menu. We occasionally made ice-cream, by putting the ingredients into a two-quart tin bucket, covered with a lid, setting this bucket into a larger one, filling the space between with salt and ice, and then whirling, whirling, whirling the smaller bucket by the bail until the contents were frozen. During the process the lid had to be removed several times in order to scrape down the mixture which had frozen onto the sides. There were regular freezers at that time, but not at our house.
My clothing also improved during this period, as our finances became more stable and as I began to make money by teaching. When I first moved to Lenora in 1888, for "every day" I wore blue calico with a small print or stripe, the skirt "made full"—no gores—of four widths of about twenty-seven inches each, gathered to fit a plain, high-necked, long-sleeved waist which buttoned down the back. I also had two "good" dresses, each consisting of a four-gored skirt, and a very short-skirted basque fastened in front with buttons, the neck
and sleeves finished with a band and cuffs of velvet. Each dress had an overskirt. One of these dresses was a wine-colored, half-wool serge, trimmed with wine velvet, the other a blue, half-wool, herring-bone weave, trimmed with embossed velvet. I wore a small bustle— hoops belonged to my mother's generation— and about three ruffled petticoats. The dresses cleared the floor by about an inch.
In 1889 I had a white summer dress of "all-over" embroidery; the skirt was full and the embroidery skirt-length, with scallops at the bottom. The waist, of matching design, was high-necked, with long tight sleeves. I felt very dressed up in this costume. While going to school in Hill City in the winter of 1889-18901 wore another henna, half-wool, herringbone dress but without an overskirt. The coat, which I ordered from Emory, Bond & Thayer, a Kansas City firm still in existence, was called a reefer, which the dictionary defines as a "rough jacket," but which in this case was a close-fitting half wool, about half-length, trimmed in front and around the neck and sleeves with about four inches of fur, well-lined and comfortable. The winter I attended school in Lenora with the Wills girls, 1890-1891, black sateen was very popular and large leg-of-mutton sleeves were the thing. I had a dress of this type with a good deal of shirring on the waist and double-box pleats decorating the bottom of the skirt.
The winter we came to Hoxie (1892) I sported an all-wool, dark-green, broadcloth, with long sleeves of puffed silk plush above the elbows and broadcloth below, trimmed with silver braid. The skirt just touched the floor when I walked and I consequently went along daintily grasping the skirt and holding it out of the dirt of our unsidewalked streets. After I began teaching in Hoxie, and had more money of my own, I bought all-wool material and was able to dress pretty much as I wished. For Christmas, 1892, my brother Sam sent me a gold watch with a short chain, worn in a pocket well up on the waist with the chain fastened into a buttonhole.
I did very little sewing, making only my everyday and second-best dresses, with mother's assistance; I never did learn to sew by hand, hemstitch, or make decent buttonholes. My "best" dresses were made by local dressmakers.

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My shoes were of the high, buttoned, low-heeled type and, as was the fashion, I wore as winter head-covering not a hat but a "fascinator"—a crocheted head-scarf—or sometimes a crocheted hood, which in either case I made myself. The only summer hat I recall was a very wide-brimmed straw hat, faced with white bobbinet and with white bobbinet trimming around the crown.
The only dinner party I attended in Fremont was given by Mr. and Mrs. Cole and was memorable as being the first time I had ever seen a meal served in courses. I presume I rated the invitation through my brother D. L., who accompanied me. The first course was a cream-colored liquid in tall glasses. I took a couple of spoonfulls of it, and was distressed and embarrassed because it was so distasteful that I simply couldn't drink it. I noted that D. L. was much amused, and on the way home he teased me plenty about my drinking whiskey, and I discovered I had been making an attempt to consume a whiskey egg-nog." He considered this very funny, since alcohol in every form was anathema to me.
SINCE leaving our home in Lenora we had been great ones to move about, and from the spring of 1889 to the summer of 1892 we lived in at least five different houses in Fremont and Hill City: Horton's, Woodrow's, Cole's, Davis', and Fogal's. In June, 1892, D. L. bought out the stock of drugs owned by Ed Adkins at Fremont, combined them with his own stock, and moved to Hoxie, the county seat of Sheridan County. In late August mother and I moved to Hoxie, and into what was known as the Towler house, which turned out to be infested with bedbugs. Copious applications of alcohol and corrosive sublimate over a period of two weeks were finally effective in killing off the last of the "redskins." Hoxie remained our home for three years." It was another village of four or five hundred, a good business point with a trade radius of some twenty miles. There was one good general store (Beers'), two or three grocery stores, a hardware store, a furniture store, three attorney's offices,
55.  Although Kansas had been "dry" by constitutional amendment ever since 1880. It was evidently quite easy to obtain alcoholic-beverages—as Carry A. Nation was to find out.
56.  Xanana, p. 334.
two of them located in the same block, which was therefore known as "The Catch'em and Skin'em Block," two weekly newspapers. The Hoxie Sentinel, edited by Frank Mclvor, Republican, and The Hoxie Palladidum, Democrat, edited by John Vedder. The hall over Beers' store was the social center for dances, and here also were held many political meetings.
The first year we were in Hoxie I attended school and had for my teacher J. J. Johnston, the best instructor of all my school life, bar none. To him I owe an unpayable debt, not only as a teacher but also as a person, for helping me to overcome some of my timidity; and to him belongs the credit for anything of a public nature I may have since been able to do. He never permitted me to remain seated and say "I don't know." "Get up on your two feet and say so," was his invariable requirement. Then, after I was on my feet, by his skill in questioning he would demonstrate that I knew more than I had been aware, and thus he put some confidence into my soul. He had marvelous patience with anyone who really wanted to learn. I was very slow in arithmetic, and I recall how he once explained a problem three times for me, finally making me understand. He was the only teacher I ever heard, or heard of, who explained why the divisor was inverted in division of fractions: "Because by so doing we reduce the fractions to a common denominator and perform the division at the same time." He had us prove this beyond a perad-venture. He showed considerable faith in me one day, when he was called out of town, by putting me in charge of the room of-at least forty pupils, hearing all classes. Strange to say, I had no trouble worth mentioning. A couple of youngsters started out being cute, but, aside from these two, the entire room was with me, so the foolishness was of short duration. Of course I had had eight months of teaching experience.
School parties were numerous, one almost every week. We played such games as "Clap in and clap out," "Spin the platter," "Animal, vegetable, or mineral," "Going to Jerusalem," "Fruit-basket upset," "Wink'em," "Proverbs," and and we never tired of charades. When there was room, we sometimes played such dance-games as "Miller Boy," "Skip to My

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Catharine Emma Wiccins: Teacher
Lou," and "Weevily (Weasly) Wheat." " We didn't play these games very often, since in northwestern Kansas we just plain over-and-aboveboard danced instead of having to dance and call it a game.
"Miller Boy" was played by couples, arm in arm, marching around in a circle, singing:
Happy is the miller-boy who lives by himself; The wheel goes 'round, he's gaining in his
wealth. One hand in the hopper and the other in the
sack; Ladies step forward and the gents fall back!
Gents step forward and the ladies fall back.
When one of these commands was given, the couples changed partners as indicated, while one person in the center of the ring, who was "It" tried to obtain a partner for himself. If he succeeded, whoever was left without a partner became "It." There were two possible commands so that there would be a chance for some confusion and a greater opportunity for "It" to get a partner.
"Skip to My Lou" had an infinite number of verses, alternating with the chorus:
Gone again, skip to my l,ou! (three times) Skip to my Lou, my darling!
Some of them were:
Little • red   wagon   and   harness,   too   (three
times), Skip to my Lou, my darling!
Nigger in the woodpile, what'll I do?    .    .    . My wife's left me, boo-hoo-hoo!   .   .   .
The boys chose partners and the company formed in two lines, boys in one, girls in another, partners facing one another, with a part-nerless boy between the lines, thus:
When the song began, he would choose any other boy's partner, swing her, put her back in her original position, and take the place of the boy whose partner she had been, whereupon the bereft boy would choose another partner and so on and on and on.
57. For these play-party games, see B. A. Botkin, The American Play-Party Song (Lincoln. Neb., 1937). pp. 81-83, 345-351; Arthur Palmer Hudson, Folksongs of Mlsjisilppl (Chapel Hill, N. C„ 1936). pp. 300-301; Carl Sandburg. The Ameriran SongbaglNew York, 1927). p. 161; John A. and Alan Lomax, American Ballnils and Folk Songs (New York, 1934), pp. 290-295,
I do not recall how "Weevily Wheat" was played, only the song that went with it:
I don't want none of your weevily wheat, I don't want none of your barley, I want the very best you've got To make a cake for Charley!
Charley is a fine young man, Charley is a dandy, Charley likes to kiss the girls Whenever it comes handy.
There were taffy pulls occasionally; and it was quite the thing for the couples to show up at Epworth League and at church in the evenings.
One experience I had in Hoxie was to participate in a "wake." There was no such thing as embalming, at least in that small town, so I and two friends, Effie Denison and Ed Turner, sat up with a corpse one night and changed the cloths on the face about every hour to delay mortification. Another reason given for this custom was that rats were attracted to a dead body, so that it was necessary for some one to be on hand. However, in this case the corpse was not in the same room with the watchers, and we had no trouble of that nature. I had heard my mother tell some funny stories about "wakes" in Pennsylvania, which were real parties with plenty to eat and drink and the latter not coffee. Anyone who refused to provide such entertainment was regarded as indeed "close." In Hoxie a lunch was provided but there was no other similarity to the social features of the earlier Pennsylvania wakes.
In February, 1893, a cousin, Vina Anderson, from Pennsylvania, who had been visiting her brother in Omaha, made us a surprise visit. It always seemed mother's job to board a teacher and at this time Mrs. Ells, the primary teacher and a divorcee, was with us, but moved across the street to the residence of E. M. Speers in order to make it possible for us to entertain our relative. Vina stayed with us a couple of weeks and, after some coaxing, persuaded mother to return with her to Omaha for a short while and then go on with her back to Pennsylvania. In the fall of 1892 mother had finally been awarded a dependent widow's pension ($12 per month) with back payments amounting to
about $400,w and certainly a vacation was coming to her, so I was left to keep house for D. L. and go to school. My chum, Effie Deni-son, stayed nights with me and we had jolly good times.
One reason why Cousin Vina had come to see us, we eventually discovered, was gossip concerning us which had come to the ears of our Pennsylvania relatives. The report was that we had lost our religion, had, indeed, become "wild." So what was Vina's surprise to meet people who seemed at least civilized; and the next morning (Sunday) we had the usual "blessing" at the table, went to Sunday School and church, where I taught a class and sang in the choir, and in the evening D. L. and I, together with my cousin, went to League, mother coming later to church, and the day concluding with the usual evening worship, conducted by mother.
But that wasn't all. The report was that D. L. had shot a man. This, however, was true—in fact he had shot two men, the first while he was
58. There is something wrong here either with the facts or the arithmetic. Mrs. Wiggins s husband, a Union veteran, had died in May. 1886. and by the fall of 1892 the back payments, at $12 per month, would have amounted to over $900. The dependent pension bill of 1887, which provided for a pension of $12 a month to every veteran who had served three months and was now disabled, whether or not he had received any injury in the service, and a similar amount to widows of such veterans, had been vetoed by Pres. Crover Cleveland, a Democrat. In the administration of his Republican successor. Benjamin Harrison, a similar bill was again
Cassed and this time was signed and became law in 1890.—Harold . Faulkner, American Political and Social History (New York, 1945), pp. 462-464. Mrs. Wiggins had previously been refused a
Ension because it could not be proved mat the illness from which r late husband had died at an early age Jiad been the result of his service in the Union army.—Kansas Historical QtiarfeWu. v. 22 i Autumn. 1956). p. 225.

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David Lincoln Wiggins's drugstore in Hoxie which he opened in 1892 had a sign above the door reading "WESTERN ENAMEL STRICTLY PURE MIXED PAINTS." The man in the white shirt is believed to be D. L., Catharine Wiggins Porter's older brother, who worked as a pharmacist in Iowa before moving to western Kansas.
a drug-clerk in Coin, Iowa, this being the case about which our cousin had heard. Money had been missed from the cash-drawer once or twice, so D. L. put his bed in the back of the store and armed himself with a little .22 revolver. During the night, hearing someone at the door, he got out of bed and crept under the counter where the money-drawer was. When the thief reached for the drawer, D. L. fired at him, and he departed very hurriedly, leaving some drops of blood to mark his tracks. It was some twenty five years before D. L. knew whom he had shot—a friend of one of the proprietors who often visited there in the evenings and had of course seen where the money was kept. This thief eventually touched and ruined many lives as a blackmailer, but this was the only occasion when he in any way came into contact with us.
The other shooting occurred in Fremont. Brother D. L. kept finding drugs and irjedi-cines missing from a cave at the rear of the store where he kept his surplus stock, and was unable to discover the thief, so he arranged in the cave a shot-gun, so placed that when the door was opened the disturber would receive a charge of bird-shot in his legs. Coming home from a dance one night he happened to look through a hotel window (they had omitted to draw the shades) and saw the local doctor extracting shot from the leg of a well-known citizen of the little town. There was some difference of opinion in the town as to the ethics of setting the gun, but brother went quietly on

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his way and in a day or two the excitement was over—as was also the stealing.
And brother Sam had come in for his share of the gossip. The report was that, while he was in Colorado, mother pled to go out and see him. He was to meet her in Colorado Springs, but failed to do so, and she was left alone in a strange city. The only spark of truth in that story was that Sam had worked in Colorado. Mother had never thought of going out to see him. Where these stories started we hadn't the slightest idea. In the spring of 1893 the eastern relatives finally got to see Sam, since, after finishing his work at Chicago, he went on to Pennsylvania to meet mother and return with her to Hoxie in May. D. L. was needing help in the store, so Sam decided to learn the business and become a pharmacist, and they were together in the store until the fall of 1898.
In May, 1893, I graduated from the Hoxie high school. I attended Normal Institute in August, securing a second-grade certificate, and taught the primary department, or rather the lower grades, of the Hoxie school, the next _two years, at $40 per month—the usual wage for that kind of a school. For the first time I had an adequate place in which to teach— plenty of blackboards, maps, charts, and a sys-► tern of text-books—and I began to like teaching. My grades included the chart-class and the third grade, so there was plenty to do, more than I could do thoroughly. When I got my " first check for $40 I was conscience-stricken to think how little I had accomplished, and said as much to D. L. How he laughed! He suggested that I multiply the 40 pupils by the 20 days work, divide the $40 by the result, and then decide whether or not I were cheating. Professor Johnston was the conductor of one of the County Institutes at Hoxie, and I grew quite baffled as various teachers told how they did this and that and the other in.their schools, always keeping every one out of mischief and profitably employed. At recess I went to Mr. Johnston and said, "If that's the way to teach school I'm quitting, for I don't and can't do those things." He replied, "Bless your heart, they don't either!" "Why, then," I said, "do they say those things and discourage us younger teachers?" "Because," said he, in a very forceful stage-whisper, "they like to hear themselves talk." Then, in normal tones, "I know. I was county superintendent for years
and I heard teachers in institute say what they did, but when I visited their schools I found no evidence of it. You go right on and do the best you can and don't worry about what anybody says she does."
Some pretty laughable things happened in school during these two years. I recall a couple of notes:
Miss Wiggins. I want that Lula will study physiology and book keeping. Her Mother.
The child couldn't read intelligently  in the third reader. Another:
Dont make Monty study too much since it is hard on his nevers Inervesl-
I always used to try to put new pupils at ease by calling them by the name most familiar to them—not calling a boy Bichard, for example, if the name he was called at home was Dick or Dickie. One day, however, in interviewing a little girl, I hit a stone wall, as she couldn't • seem to understand me. "What does your mother call you?" I repeated. "Thometimeth," she finally admitted, coyly twisting a strand of hair about a saliva-moistened and otherwise rather dirty finger, "my mamma callth me 'you thweet thing.' "
The county superintendent was visiting one afternoon during the period of oral spelling. I gave out the word "tired," and the pupil omitted the letter "e." One morning three youngsters, aged about six, eight, and ten, came to school for the first time. I didn't know that none of them had ever been in a school-room before, and after some necessary shifting of seats to make room for them, I said, "Mary, you may sit here, Martha, here, and Johnny, here," placing my hand on each desk as I spoke, and then returned to the front of the room. I heard some suppressed giggles' and turned to see Mary, Martha, and Johnny doing exactly as I had indicated—each obediently sitting on a desk.
I had an average group of pupils, I presume—some were clean, keen, smart; the members of one family, at least, were, on the other hand, dirty, greasy, unkempt, and stupid-looking; others were merely mediocre. The children from one family were handicapped by disease for which they were in no way responsible, i. e., syphilis. Some are in business in Hoxie today. Several were really successful. A

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few went to the bad. In all my teaching experience, which eventually totalled sixty months, I know of one pupil who became a murderer, one, a preacher, two, missionaries, and two, excellent bootleggers.
During my two years of teaching in Hoxie there was comparatively little social life. There was an occasional dance at Beers' hall, where, for the first time in my experience, there were "round" dances on the program. After two or three sets of square dances there would be a session of "round" dances, schottisches, polkas, and waltzes, usually the last. I never learned the round dances, because D. L. never did much in that line; and, although Sam was very good, I was too awkward and trod on his toes too much for him to have the patience to teach me. Choir practise, Epworth League, church, revival meetings, political speeches, an occasional "open house" at the GAR meetings, about summed up all the other social activities. Uncle Andy Reed was conspicuous at the GAR meetings. On one occasion they were playing charades and the word to be presented was "forefathers;" Uncle Andy was appointed as one of the "four fathers," but unfortunately he was a bachelor. He was frequently called on to sing a song, of which the refrain was: "If officers did all of this, what did the privates do?"M The song was practically devoid of tune, but the words impressed me as being clever, although they did not remain in my memory.
For some reason I had paid little attention to the campaign of 1892,"" but the state elections of that year were followed by exciting events. The two rival parties, the Republicans and the Populists, had each organized the legislature, but the latter were in control of the hall in which the representatives met. About Feb. 16, 1893, the Republican members and their employees gathered at the Copeland Hotel, marched in a body to the State House, swept aside the guards, broke down the door of the hall, and took possession. It was a bloodless war and lasted only forty-eight hours.
During the fall of 1894, however, I became intensely interested in the campaign then in
59.  A diligent canvass of Civil War and C A. R. songbooks has not revealed any other verses of this song.
60.   Seelohn D. Hicks. The Populist Recoil (Minneapolis. 1931). pp. 274-281, for an account of the election of 1892 in Kansas.
progress. The meetings were usually held in Beers' hall, the speaking would begin about 2 p. m. and continue until 6 p. m. or later. Night meetings continued from 7 p. m. until the speakers were through with what they had to say or were tired out. Sometimes I clipped off a few minutes of school-time and hurried to the hall. A seat at that hour was an impossibility and one was lucky to find standing-room. I never grew tired of the speech-making, though, much to my regret, I never heard John J. In-galls,"2 the Republican, nor the Populist Jerry Simpson, known as "Sockless Jerry." I heard Mary Elizabeth Lease" in her masterful and rather masculine way proclaim the gospel of Populism, urging the farmers to raise less corn and more hell. And then there was little Mrs. Anna Diggs," so refined, smart, aware, convincing, with the same gospel, but so differently presented. I liked them both, though Mrs. Lease, I was later informed, was coming to be looked on as a liability rather than an asset to her party. The Republicans were represented by James A. Troutman,** "Farmer" Smith,67 Tom McNeal,8" and J. Ralph Burton,™
61.   See Ibid., p. 333. for the campaign of 1894, which was a defeat for Populism in Kansas.
62.  John James Ingalls (1833-1900). Kansas Republican "elder statesman" and man of letters, was senator from Kansas. 1873-1891. but was defeated and succeeded by a Populist candidate.
63.  Jerry Simpson (1842-1905). a native of New Brunswick, nicknamed "Sockless Jerry" by his political opponents, was probably the most widely known of the Populist leaders.
64.   For Mrs. Lease, see the Dictionary of American Biography, and Hicks. Populljl Recoil, pp. 159-160.
65.  "Next to Mrs. Lease. Mrs. Annie L. Diggs. also of Kansas, was perhaps the best known of the Alliance women. She was a mere mite of a person, weighing less than a hundred pounds, but apparently her size never interfered with her ambition to speak and write. . . . Her language was smoother and more digniRed than that of Mrs. Lease, but hardly less vigorous." The campaign of 1894 began inauspiciously for Kansas Populism with a verbal encounter between Mrs. Lease and Mrs. Diggs.—Hicks. Populist Recoil, pp. 165-166.
66.   lames A. Troutman (1853-1926), native of In3iana who moved to Kansas in 1865. was a lawyer and a prominent temper-ance worker. In 1892 he was elected to the Kansas legislature and at the time the writer beard him was apparently a candidate for lieutenant governor.—Frank Wilson Blackmar. ed.. Kansas (Chicago. 1912), v. 3. pt. 1, pp. 718-720.
67.   I have been unable to identify the "Farmer" among the numerous Smiths who were active in Kansas politics in the 1890's. Presumably he was one of the few Republican politicians who was not a lawyer, and assumed the title of "Farmer" in an attempt to counterbalance the Populist appeal to the tillers of the soil.
68.  Thomas Allen McNeal (ia53-1942) was born in Ohio and moved to Medicine Lodge, Kan., in 1879, where he was admitted to the bar. He was, however, primarily a journalist and writer. At the time of the election of 1894 he had behind him three years in the legislature and a term as mayor of Medicine Lodge. He later became state printer and the author of an entertaining collection of sketches. When Kansas Was Young (New York, 1928—Blackmar. Kansas, v. 3, pt. 1, pp. 340-341.
69.  Joseph Ralph Burton (1850-1923), born in Indiana, was admitted to the Iwr in 1875 and moved to Abilene. Kan., in 1878. Strikingly handsome and a first-rate orator, but egotistical, he was electedto the legislature in 1882, 1884, and 1888. and in 1889 obtained the passage of an antitrust law which has been credited with being used as a model for the Sherman Anti-Trust act of 1890; this achievement must have been of considerable benefit to him as a

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Catharine Emma Wiccins: Teacher
Catharine Ann McCollum Wiggins, right, mother of Catharine Wiggins Porter, was left a widow on a Kansas homestead in 1886 when Catharine was 12 and her brother, Samuel Telford, tower right, was 16. The oldest of her children, David Lincoln, oetow, had stayed in Iowa where he worked as a pharmacist when the family moved to Kansas. Later he prospered with his drugstores first in Fremont and later at Hoxie. His brother, Sam, worked with him in the Hoxie store from 1893 to 1898.

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all excellent speakers and far too smart for the occasional heckler. One of Burton's stories was supposed to characterize a Populist. "A man, always dissatisfied, always whining, thus addressed his dog. 'You, you have nothing to do but just eat and eat, and then sleep and sleep. But me, I works and works, while you eat and sleep. And when you die, you just die, but me—when I dies, I goes to hell.' That," said J. Ralph, "is a Populist." I attended these meetings principally for the excitement; I always liked an argument. I had no strong convictions as between the two parties and did not take sides particularly,'" although I understood that the Populists claimed the issue was discrimination against the poorer folk, especially the fanners, by the Republicans.
Evangelistic meetings in Hoxie were of the usual type, described by T. DeWitt Talmage'1 as "bobbing up and down affairs." I usually attended, without knowing why. The ultimate aim of the meeting seemed to be to get everyone to stand in response to one or another of various appeals by the minister. If anyone didn't rise on the first request, he was a marked man; the call became more and more personal and direct. The usual plan of procedure was this: The sermon ended; the preacher announced a hymn and, during the singing of the first verse, "All Christians are requested to rise"—and how smugly they responded. Then the second verse, and the appeal, "All who would like to be Christians—will you rise?" Then, other verses—as many as necessary— and: "All who would like to lead a better life, will you rise?" "All who desire to reach Heaven when they die, will you rise?" "All
Republican. anti-Populist, campaigner. Elected to the United States senate in 1900 he was forced to resign in 1906 because of an indictment which charged him with accepting monies from a security company for improper use of his senatorial influence; he was convicted and served five months in a federal penitentiary. Several years later, after having been a strong opponent of Populism, he became a chief spokesman of the much more radical farmers' organization, the Non-Partisan League, which entered Kansas in 1917. On March 12. 1921. Burton and another league spokesman were prevented by mob action from speaking at Ellin-wood, Barton county, and deported from the county, while later in the same day two other League representatives were brutally beaten and tarred. Burton died two years later.—Blackmar, Kansas, v. 3, pt 2. pp. 819-821; Bruce L. Larson, "Kansas and tfie Non-Partisan League: The Response to the Affair at Great Bend. 1921." Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 34 (Spring, 1968), pp. 51-71, esp. /ocfeigp 64 and pp. 67-69.
70.  The writer had apparently lost some of her political partisanship during the six years since, as a girl of about 15, she had flaunted her support of Belva Lockwood. Or, perhaps, she was less under the influence of her mother, whom the latter s younger son. years later, described to the editor as a "Prohibitionist and Popu-
71.  Thomas DeWitt Talmage (1832-1902). popular American Presbyterian clergyman.
who have any friends in the Glory World, will you rise?" "All who have any desire to meet any of their friends in Heaven, will you rise?" Such a series of requests didn't leave much of a loophole, but I was too plain stubborn to stand on any proposition whatsoever.72
There were the usual new songs drifting around. One of them I used to sing for the benefit of my brother Sam, who was going with a girl named Pearl:
Just one girl, only just one girl!
There are others, I know, but they're not my Pearl."
Sam himself contributed several others, two of a romantic or sentimental nature: "Sweet Marie" 71 and "Over the Garden Wall." " Two others were of a humorous character:
"Oh Fred, tell 'em to stop!"—
This was the cry of Mariah.
But the more she said "Whoa!"
He said, "Let 'er go!—
And the swing went a little bit higher.™
Of the other I recall only the lines:
I don't lilte-a no cheap man
Who spends his money on the installment plan."
D. L.'s favorite, which he had learned from Frank Brown, a full cousin of mother's, who
72.  This revivalistic technique was greatly improved in the course of the next generation. During the editors years in a central Kansas denominational college (1922-1926) the system was to have the entire congregation rise, to sing a hymn, and then induce all its members to come forward by a series of such invitations, after which they returned to their seats and sal down. This made the diminishing number of recalcitrants stand out like the proverbial "sore thumb," subjected them to increasing pressure—since it was generally regarded as improper to sit down unless the revivalist told them to do so—and no doubt materially improved the evangelist's statistics.
73.  Author and composer. Lynn Udall: first published, 1898 — Spaeth, Fopular Music p. 292. The writer s memory may, however have slipped in regard to this song since, if not published until 1898, i» could not have been sung in Hoxie, 1893-1895. Probably it was in 1899. when S. T. Wiggins was recuperating from a leg amputation in Sterling, wherehls mother and sister were then living, that the writer teased him with a rendition of "Just One Cirl.    For the text, see Spaeth. Weep Some More, pp   256-257.
74.  Published in 1893, with words by Cy Warman and music by Raymond Moore, and thus of very recent vintage—Spaeth. Popular Music, pp. 268-269. Words and music in James J. Geller. Famous Song! and Their Stories (New York. 1931). pp. 70-74.
75.  Wools by Harry Hunter; music by C. D. Fox. In 1890 it was regarded as already an old song.—One Hundred Songs of the Dan hy Popular Composers (Boston. 1885). p. 10, Heart Songs, pp. 346-347; Randolph, FoMwngt, v. 4, p. 392.
76.  Words and music by George Meens; originally published by S. T. Cordon & Son. New York, in a series of ''English Ballads.'— Spaeth, Head 'em and Weep, who gives this Information and the text (pp. 79-80), says the song was a favorite of Tony Pastor (1837-1908), whose heyday was the post-Civil War period. Its appearance in One Hundred Songs of the Day. p. 7. probably dates it approximately. See, also, Douglas Gilbert, American Vaudeville (New York, 1940), pp. 103-125; and Edward B. Marks, They All Sang (New York, 1935). pp. 48, 251.
77.  Written in 1897 by the famous colored vaudeville team of Bert Williams and George Walker—Marks. They All Sang, p. 237; Cilbert, American Vaudeville, pp. 283-287 If the date of this song is correctly stated, Mrs. Porter must again be in error as to when and where she heard her brother sing it.

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Catharine Emma WiccinS: Teacher                                               37
had either been a cowboy or had associated with them, was "Lorena,"     which began:
11 was down upon the old plantation
Where in youth Old Massa bound me as a slave.
There they had a colored girl called Lorena,
And we sported where the wild palrnettoes wave.
Another of his songs was of a humorous nature and went in part:
I started out to travel and I never could go right,
1 traveled away for a half a day
And then put up for night.
And what do you think they laid me on?
'Twas nothing but a sheet!
And there my thunderin' great big feet
Were stickin' out asleep.7"
In the spring of 1895, being now twenty-one, I took a homestead:1" the SE V*, Sec. 12, Twp. 10, Range 27, Sheridan Co., Kansas. It was required that I establish my residence by building a house and staying on the claim over night at least once every six months. My house was the minimum for size—10 feet by 10—an unplastered soddy with a board roof, no floor, one window, and a home-made door. A "Topsy" stove stood in one corner, but there was no flue, the stove-pipe extending through the roof. The table occupied another corner and the bed a third. The fourth corner was unclaimed. D, L. went with me each six months and it was more of a picnic than anything else. He kept a box of the necessary cooking-utensils in the back of the store and was a wonderful chef. One evening, on the way
78.  This "Lorena." a pseudo-Negro song, should he distin-guished from the much more sophisticated and better-known song of the same title, widely sung during the Civil War. which begins "Trie years creep slowly by. Lorena." I have been unable to find anything about its authorship or date of composition, and the few texts known to me are to varying degrees either incomplete or corrupt or both. The Brown-Wiggins version consists of only three four-fine stanzas (with the thiroTine missing from the middle one) and a refrain. The only version I know in print—"Lorenia," Arthur Palmer Hudson. "Ballads and Songs From Mississippi." Journal of American Folklore, v. 39 (April-June. 19261. p. 186—consists of four four-line stanzas, one of which is mistakenly used as a chorus. The Pound Syllabus, p. 65, also describes this song and gives a refrain almost identical with that of the Brown-Wiggins version. The version known to me which seems most nearly complete and least corrupt, and which most closely resembles the surviving portion of the Brown-Wiggins version, is in the manuscript song collection of the late Mrs. Hugh Hampton of Eugene. Ore. (born in Oregon. 1874), now in the University of Oregon library. Because of the song's obscurity and interest I present it below, in an appendix. However, in my opinion the first four lines of the Brown-Wiggins version are superior to those of the Hampton version, which also contains words and lines which are obviously corrupt. The last four lines of the last stanza, for example, are so awkward as to be virtually unsingable. When other versions, or simply reason, suggest substitutions 1 have inserted them in brackets.
79.   I have been unable lo find anything more about this song.
80.  See Everett Disk, 7V Sod-House Frontier (New York. 1938). pp. 118-119, for the homestead regulations of this time.
out, he shot some sort of a bird,*1 which he tried to cook over an alcohol stove, but either the fire wasn't hot enough or the bird was of great age, for it never did become tender. D. L., however, kept sampling it, so that there was little of it left for the meal—not that this made any difference. Once we wrote our menu on the outside of the door, where all who ran might read, with the injunction: "Kansas City papers, please copy." On one occasion, however, he couldn't go with me, since he was attending the World's Fair in Paris."2 Neither could Sam, since he had to stay in the store. So we got a boy, who lived near my claim, to come into Hoxie after me, and then we stopped at his home and picked up his sister. When we opened the door of the soddy, we beheld on the bed two large snake-skins, and while the skins were harmless, there was a chance that the owners might be near, so we decided to "hold down the claim" out of doors and sleep in the buggy, the boy making himself as comfortable as he could on the ground. I had a crick in my neck for some days after sleeping with my head almost caught in the buggy bows. The name of my farm was The Lord Chesterfield and a very large and deep buffalo-wallow about a hundred feet from the soddy was Lake Victoria. I must in those days have been "all out for Britain."
The family, including myself, realized that I must have more than a high-school education if I were to succeed as a teacher, and the question was, "What school shall it be?" Mother had continued a staunch United Presbyterian and had kept in touch with that church through The Midland, a weekly paper. There we saw advertised a United Presbyterian school. Cooper Memorial College, at Sterling, Kansas. Mother so greatly desired to be within the bounds of her church once more that it was decided I should attend the summer session and give it a trial. And so, in June, 1895,1 was on my way to college.
81.  The mention of O. L.'s shooting a bird reminds me of one of the various incidents about which I have been told hut which did not get into these reminiscences. There was still a herd of five antelope in the neighborhood, at which, on at least one occasion. D. L. took a shot with a carbine which he habitually carried in his buggy, but fortunately without effect.
82.  At the time of the Paris Exposition of 1900 the writer was living and teaching in Sterling, not in Hoxie. Presumably, however, she somehow managed to gel hack to her claim at least every six months, staying at her brother's home while fulfilling the not very' onerous homestead residence requirements. Of course, she may have confused some other occasion when her brother was away with his absence at the Paris Exposition.

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III. Appendix lorena
(Mrs. Hugh Hampton's version) Way down upon the old plantation Where in youth old massa held me as a slave And they kept a colored girl they called Lorena And we courted where the wild bananas wave. The sun [moonl shone bright upon Lorena As we sat and watched the coon among the com And the possum played around the wild bananas And the old owl hooted like a horn.
Chorus: Oh Lorena, dear Lorena, won't yon come come come again to me? (twice)
Oh for four long years we were courting, Then we were bound together both as one; By hard labor our old massa we supported, Then our pleasures here in life had just begun.
But one day old massa sold Lorena,
And I thought this poor old darkey's heart would
break. For they look her way down in old Virginia And they left her [mel to mourn for her sake.
For two long years we were parted
But the thought of her was ever in my head.
Till one day old massa read me a letter
And i( told me that Lorena she was dead.
Then I knew that Lor«?na had gone to Heaven
And no more she'd have to wear the white man's
chains For a new and shining robe of white was given And no more she'd have to bear the darkey's chains
WITHIN a year of the founding of the New England Emigrant Aid Company as a means of helping secure Kansas to the ranks of the free states, the settlers whom it had assisted were begging the agents of the company for arms to defend themselves against their Pro-slavery rivals. From the beginning, the directors were adamant in their stand that the company could not become involved in supplying guns, even to their friends, but concluded that the members of the company, as private individuals, could do as they wished.
Dr. Samuel Cabot of Boston became head of this "private" gun-running group that in one way or the other soon involved almost all of the company's investors. These men saw no conflict, or claimed to see none, in their role as members of a group solely interested in helping Free-State men get to Kansas, and possibly making a profit in the bargain, on the one hand, and soliciting money for arms as private individuals on the other, even if the guns they were buying were being conveyed to Kansas for the very settlers that the company was sending. They were drawing a fine line between their
Title-page photo: A shipment of 100 Sharps carbines like this one destined for Free-State settlers in Kansas was discovered and confiscated by Proslavery sympathizers on board the river steamer Arabia in March. 1856.
two endeavors, a line so fine that it blurs and disappears on close inspection. The events detailed here add further weight to the opinion that the members of the company realized that they were playing a semantic and sophistic game all along, even when they argued to all who would listen, including the United States senate and house of representatives, that they had ". . . never invested a dollar in cannons or rifles, in powder or lead, or in any implements of war." ' Regardless of their convenient moral and political stand, money was quickly raised in response to the pleas of the Free-Soil Kansas settlers, and 100 Sharps carbines were purchased in May, 1855, and another 100 in August, and shipped to Kansas. By the end of the year, the members of the aid company were well pleased with the impression that their carbines had made on the Missouri "border ruffians" operating in Kansas, this pleasure based, no doubt, on reports such as the one from James B. Abbott on November 3:
The arrival of your one hundred Rifles on the 1st Monday of Oct. the day of the Election call, by the (Mo) legislature,
1. To the Senate and House of Representatives. In Congress Assembled, pamphlet Iw the executive committee of the New England Emigrant Aid Company in response to a report made to the senate by the chairman of the committee on territories.

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Kansas History
had a most wonderful and Magic effect upon the Mis-sourians, who came up to vote. The first noticeable change produced by the discovery of so many deadly weapons in town, was their bringing the voice down to a soft whisper from what was before more in accordance with a low coarse bullying desperado. Also there seemed to be a remarkable change in their feature from a high rum coller to a light pale and through the day after this occurence you would have mistaken them for gentleman they were so afable an polite. Perhaps Dr. Cabot [a medical doctor] could explain the principle of this change.
Amos Lawrence, the financial father of the organization, stated in a letter of December 18, 1855: "Those shining pacificators Sharpe's Rifles—12 shots in a minute—in hands of good & true 'Free State' men, have wonderfully cooled the ardor of the border Missourians." * On February 12, 1856, he wrote, ". . . perhaps it was the proceeds of that money, which, more than anything, saved them [the Free-State men] last December. But now that the Missourians learn that their '800' Sharp's rifles was actually only 200, they are the more determined than ever to drive out our people." '
Obviously more guns, especially the redoubtable Sharps, were needed. On February 8 Eli Thayer, the original founder of the company, wrote to Dr. Cabot that he had had a note from Charles Robinson, the soon-to-be Kansas Free-State "governor," that an attack on Lawrence was imminent, and if the company was going to send aid, it had better hurry. Thayer further stated, "I am confident we will raise 100 Sharps rifles here within this week. Frances Wayland Jr. will keep you informed. 23 have been subscribed." On February 12 Wayland wrote Cabot,
General Pomeroy [the principal Kansas agent for the company] who left Worcester yesterday morning informed me that you were expecting to receive from various sources contributions to the fund for furnishing Dr. Robinson with rifles. He further informed me that you were to telegraph to him tomorrow at Hartford giving him the amount for which he might draw on you (at 30 days) in payment for rifles. I now write to you in fulfillment of my promise to him, that you may rely on receiving from me in the course of fifteen days $1500—Fifteen Hundred Dollars.
2.  Amos A. Lawrence to Giles Richards. "Amos A. Lawrence Misc. File," manuscript dcpt., Kansas State Historical Society. All unfootnoted references and ((notations are taken from approximately 125 unpublished letters and documents now in the hands of the author. The majority are addressed to Dr. Samuel Cabot and were initially found for sale at a flea market in New Hampshire a few years ago. All direct quotations are as found in the letters with no attempt at spelling or punctuation corrections except where indicated by brackets. All emphases in the quotations are the original letter writers'.
3.  Amos Lawrence to James Lawrence, February 12, 1856, "New England Emigrant Aid Co. Papers" < "NEEACP"). Microfilm Roll
The money was no doubt a godsend to the perpetually money-short organization. Only about $1,300 more had to be raised to buy the carbines. The extra money was either soon raised or very firm promises were made, as the following invoice shows (Sharps had already had some minor trouble in the past in their dealings with the aid company, and would have more in the future, so they wanted to be quite certain that they would get their money at the agreed upon time): Hartford, Ct., February 15, 1856 * Genu Saml. C. Pomeroy
■ To Sharps' Rifle Manufacturing Co. For 90 Carbines, 32 bore, brown, & accts. (o
$30...............................   2700.00
10        dr        32                           Bayl.
attebmt. & accts @ $32V4 ■.............      325.00
Less 10% is.....      302.50
10 Sabre bayonets, @ $514............       55.00
50M Sharps Primers, @ $1S*. ..........       56.25
$2833.75 Cr By Dft. this date <@ 15 days sight on
S. Cabot Jr................$2500.00
Cash   ....................       55.00
This amt. allowed as agreed   . .     278.75— $2833.75 Nos. (The serial numbers of the guns followed.]
In a letter of the same date General Pomeroy informed Cabot that he had made a purchase of "one hundred Rifles bayonets-swords etc" and that Cabot should pay the Sharps company according to the terms. A postscript stated that they had already been sent to Springfield, Conn., in care of David Starr Hoyt.
Although Hoyt, a native of Deerfield, Mass., had been a hero in the Mexican War, he did not strike one of his acquaintances as looking much like a military leader, being "short, small, wrinkled," and totally insignificant in appearance, especially when he was wearing a worn-out buffalo coat he was fond of. But when he shed the coat, he was changed "from a
4.  This is the correct invoice for the Sharps shipment involved in the Arabia incident, not the one listed by w. H. lseley in his "The Sharps Rifle Episode in Kansas History." in American Historical Revteu, Lancaster, Pa., v. 12, no. 3 (April. 1907). pp. 546-566. The invoice he quoted is dated March 19, 1856. at least five days after the carbines were stolen from the steamboat. This same error has been perpetuated by Winston O. Smith in The Sharps Rifle. Us History, Development and Operation (New York, William Morrow Jt Co., 1943), pp. 14-15. and C. Mead Patterson in "John Brown's Sharps," The Gun Report. Akron, Ohio. May, 1959, pp. 21-25.
5.  This original invoice conflicts with a statement by Richard E. Hopkins in Military Sfcarpi (San lose, Cal., 1967), p. 6, that the carbine and sword-bayonet was sold to "Lawrence in Kansas at a price o( $18.00.   .   .   ."

[Page 41]

The Ahabia Incident
clodhopper" to a hero. His low voice could warm "into a terrible earnestness, and his eyes shot lightning." ' Hoyt had been around. After the Mexican War, he settled in Chester, 111., and left there in 1852 to hunt gold in California. Being a surveyor and civil engineer by profession, he joined a military expedition in June of 1853 that was mapping a northern route for the Pacific railroad. He then returned to Massachusetts.7
In the early days of February, 1856, Hoyt attended a lecture given by General Pomeroy to raise money for guns, met him afterwards, and discussed with him the best route for conveying arms to Kansas. On February 6 Hoyt wrote Pomeroy to tell him of a better plan than the one he had suggested at their first meeting. It consisted in packing the weapons in boxes bought from German emigrants and others made from rough barnyard fences, shipping them to southern Illinois, buying good horses and ramshackle wagons, covering the boxes with ragged cloth, and "emigrate to Santa Fe or the Great Salt Lake via southern Missouri" or steer northerly and "accidentally touch at Lawrence." After discussing the merits of his plan, Hoyt volunteered to accompany the guns for only his expenses." Whether he decided to go to Kansas just as a lark, in keeping with his soldier-of-fortune image, or whether he had strong feelings for the cause of a free Kansas is debatable. If, however, his vitriolic descriptions of the Proslavery Missoiirians in his later letters are any indication, he was firmly in the Free-State camp.
Amos Lawrence had great faith in Hoyt, as he wrote to Robinson in Kansas on February 14: "Mr. Hoyt will hand you two pistols, from which please take that which you prefer, and accept it as a present from me. . . . Hoyt seems to be a young man of the right stamp for service. His pluck lies deep down. Give him the other." *
It was probably on February 19 that Hoyt had a final meeting in Worcester, Mass., with Wayland, Dr. Calvin Cutter, Thayer, Martin Stowell, and possibly Dr. Cabot to talk over the
6." William B. Parsons, "David Starr Hoyt." Kansas Magazine. Topeka, v. 2. no. 1 (My. 1872), p. 43.
7.  Geo. H. Hoyt manuscript, "Ceo. H. Hoyt Misc. File." manuscript dept.. Kansas State Historical Society.
8.   David Starr Hoyt to S. C. Pomeroy, February 6, 1856, "NEEACP." Roll I.
9.  Amos Lawrence to Charles Robinson. February 14, 1856, Aid.. Roll 4.
Amos Lawrence (1814-1886), leading Boston merchant and philanthropist, was treasurer ot the New England Emigrant Aid Company.
final plans for the trip. Upon finishing the discussions, he met William B. Parsons, John Dean, and a Mr. Pickett, who were to be his companions on the expedition and under his command, and William Crutchfield, who was going with Dr. Cutter to Kansas by another route. After giving them a proper, rousing revolutionary speech, he went with them to a warehouse where they began packing six breechloading cannon furnished by Thayer (furnished so hastily that they had not yet been fitted with percussion locks or proof-fired), 54 Hall military rifles, 100 Sharps carbines, sabre bayonets, percussion caps, tape primers, a good supply of cartridges and cannonball moulds.'0 Possibly having a premonition of trouble, Hoyt removed the breechblocks of all the carbines, numbered them, and packed them in trunks belonging to Cutter and Crutchfield." They would be carried by stage, so if Hoyt were robbed, "the scoundrels will
10.  Parsons. "David Starr Hoyt." pp. 42-43
11.  This information, in Hoyt's own hand, disagrees with Smith's opinion (p. 15) in The Sharps Rifle that it was Dr. Cutter's idea to remove the breechblocks. Also Samuel A. Johnson's contention in The Battle Cry of Freedom (Lawrence, University of Kansas Press, 19541, p. 165. that the locks, rather than the breechblocks, were removed, is incorrect. He undoubtedly based his statement on an incorrect one made by Amos Lawrence in a letter of April 25. 1856. to Giles Richards, "Amos A. Lawrence Misc. File.'

[Page 42]

Kansas History
make but little by the operation." In addition, the Hall rifles and four of the cannon were sent separately.
Not everyone was apprehensive: Dr. Cabot wrote Bradford Wood on the 16th that ". . . one lot has started & I feel very sure will get through safe." " Edward Everett Hale, the well-known Unitarian clergyman, author, and member of the organization, did have reservations, however. After talking to Hoyt before he left for Worcester, he feared that something might go wrong and suggested an alternate route.
On February 20 Hoyt telegraphed Cabot from Springfield, Conn., by the Union Telegraph Company that he had engaged three men (Dean, Parsons, and Pickett) and that "part goods go tomorrow." (The men dealing in the various arms shipments were usually quite circumspect in their speaking of weapons, as they feared the "slave dogs" would find them out. In fact, they did not even trust the mail and so used women's bustles to carry their important correspondence.) The next day, he again telegraphed that he was starting with his men, "one hundred goods and two Thayers goods." Also on the 21st are two other communications to Cabot, one from Wayland and another from Hoyt by way of S. P. Pond. The first simply told that Hoyt's party got off safely with "100 rifles and 2 cannon, being in all 13 packages" and goes on to discuss future arms purchases. The second again informed Cabot that Hoyt started at 2:00 p.m. with "100 goods and 2 of Thayer's cannon" and that the other four cannon would be expressed to St. Louis.
On February 22 Hoyt wrote Dr. Cabot from New York, telling of his party's safe arrival, discussing freight rates, shipping by boat, and enclosing a secret code that he had devised for telegrapTi use. He also said, correctly as it turned out, "I shall get to St Louis probably without difficulty and there may have to repack and disguise more thoroughly even than I expected." They did repack in St. Louis, putting every two former gun crates into one new one, resulting in nine "tool chests." "
Before leaving New York, Hoyt instructed Parsons to have some business cards printed for "L. A. Morton & Co., dealers in brass and
12.  Cabot lo Wood. February 16. 1856, 'William Barnes Collection." manuscript flept., Kansas Slate Historical Society.
13.  Johnson, BdHie Cry of Freedom, p. 165.
iron castings, mill machinery, belting, etc.; also, agents for Kendall's celebrated lubricating oil, 314 Elizabeth St., New York." A blank space was left on the cards on which they wrote "F. E. Hunt & Co., St. Louis, Mo." While L. A. Morton did not exist. Hunt die* as the St. Louis shipping agent for the aid company." In fact. Dr. Thomas Webb, chief secretary and workhorse of the company, had already prepared for Hoyt's arrival in St. Louis by'sending a letter of introduction for him to Hunt and Company on February 14." Webb sent them another letter of introduction on February 28, this time for S. N. Simpson, another of the company's Kansas agents, stating that he was to be given any boxes addressed to Hoyt."' This communication was doubtlessly necessitated by the uncertainty obvious in Hoyt's February 22 New York letter as to just how the arms might arrive, due to possible problems enroute.
At St. Louis Hoyt departed from the plan that he had suggested to Pomeroy on the 6th, as he indicated he might do in his letter from New York: "I must study hard at St Louis on the information there to be obtained before I decide on the means of travel beyond." The ice having cleared from the river while he was there was probably the cause for'his change of plans, as it would be much easier and quicker to get the weapons to Kansas by boat than overland. He, Parsons, and at least one of the other two men boarded the river steamer Arabia after having their boxes billed as "freight" by Hunt,1, using more business cards, marked this time "D. S. Hoyt, Leavenworth." As the boxes were being loaded, the Arabia's clerk, remarking on their weight, said to Hoyt; "What have you got in those boxes, Sharpe's rifles?" Hoyt replied, "I wish I had," as the rest of the party held their breath, but nothing more was said.'"
All went well for a few days, until a letter Hoyt had written his mother was either stolen from his cabin or out of his pocket, a letter that he claimed later that he had "not determined to mail at all." The letter was given to the captain of the boat, who stood on top of a dining table
14.  Parsons, "David Starr Hoyt," p. 4.1.
15.   Dr. Thomas H. Webb to F. A Hunt, February 14, 1856, "NEEACP." Roll 2.
16.  Webb to F. A. Hunt t, Co.. February 28. 1856, ioid.
17.  Johnson. Battle Cry of Freedom, p. 165.
18.   Parsons, "David Starr Hoyt," p. 44.

[Page 43]

The Arabia Incident
while reading it to the assembled passengers and crew, all of whom were of Proslavery persuasion. The part of the letter that interested them was the following:
Steamer "Arabia," •                                                Missouri River,
March, '56. Dear Mother:
. . . We have thus far been successful, and the guns and ammunition are safe in the hold. The boat is crowded with Border-Ruffians, but they are of the better sort and treat us well, little knowing who we are. They are entertaining angels unawares. I am very glad that I took the buffalo-coat, for it has been very cold. . . . Yours, affectionately,
The reference to the coat was what tied the cargo directly to Hoyt, as everyone on the boat had seen him wearing it. Hoyt and Parsons were seized together, as they occupied the same cabin,'" but not before Hoyt had a chance to destroy papers that would have linked the aid company, at least indirectly, to the arms. He wrote Cabot on April 2:
"Your name is not known in Missouri in connection with this matter. ... I threw letters & papers accounts journal and receipts etc overboard into the Missouri River to save your name and the names of others from falling into violent hands. And no name East of the Mississippi River has been obtained from me or my papers or party to my knowledge.
One might say the passengers did not act precipitously, as they democratically voted on what should be done with their prisoners. The decision was to throw the weapons and their owners in the river. Attempting to brazen it out, Hoyt told them that they could throw the guns overboard, but it would be difficult to throw the owners over, as they lived in Lawrence. The passengers felt that Parsons and Hoyt would do just as well. Some had meanwhile gone below to check out the cargo and came back bearing a Sharps, missing, of course, its breechblock. Parsons said later that they must have never seen a breech-loader before, as they asked how to fire it. The passengers were told that they would be glad to demonstrate it, if someone would go to Lawrence and get a breechblock.2" They  quickly con-
19.  Ibid.
20.  The mostly Eastern-educated Free-Soilers hud little respect for the "dumb" and "crude" Missourians and Southerners, ignoring the fact, of ctnirse. that was later proved in the Civil War. that
Thomas H. Webb (1801-1866) was chief secretary and-workhorse of the New England Emigrant Aid Company. He helped organize many companies of settlers for Kansas territory.
eluded that this was a "d_
_d Yankee trick" and then decided to put Hoyt ashore and make him walk. Charles Keurney, a passenger from Westport, Mo., prevailed on the captain to carry Hoyt on, but the group insisted on him signing a surrender of the arms, which he refused to do, even when they threatened to kill him. Evidently word of this incident somehow preceded the steamer, for when it docked in Lexington, Mo.,  it  was  met by a thousand
their adversaries had grown up with guns and were able to use them with facility. Parsons's anecdote sounds a little too much like Mrs. Charles Robinson's diary entry of late March. 1856, to be believable. The guns would be worthless to the ruffians " 'for the slides are understood to be in another place, and it will puzzle them tiuite as much to use a rifle open at both ends, as it did the one they threw away in December as useless because there was no ramrod!* "—Alice Nichols. Bleeding Kansas (New York. Oxford University Press. 1954). p. 96. Nichols mistakenly says that Mrs. Robinson s comment was made only on the basis of rumor because no shipments had been seized until late June when a $4,000 shipment of Sharps was stolen. The error on the value of the Sharps isnodoulabasedon Lawrence's letter of April 25. 1856. previously mentioned. The amount could only have l>een $4,000 if the cannon were included.

[Page 44]
                                                                 Kansas History
armed men, who had determined to hang the gun runners. A committee of six Lexington men was sent aboard to negotiate. Hoyt and his men would be handed over to the mob if Hoyt would not surrender the arms, but again he refused. After the weapons were landed, the committee finished its business by giving their receipt: "Taken from D. S. Hoyt the following described property, to be delivered to the order of Wilson Shannon, Governor of Kansas territory, or his successor in office," and following was a list of the property.*' As he stated to Dr. Cabot in his April 3 letter, Hoyt finally accepted the receipt to keep from ". . . having to fight for [my] life against 60 to 70 passengers on the boat and the city of Lexington besides, while [I] had only two men besides [myself] on whom [I] could rely and [I] separated from them." When he arrived in Kansas City a few hours later, all he had to show Pomeroy was the receipt, two cannonball molds, and six cannon breechpins that he had somehow managed to save.
The Proslavery men now had, besides the cannons and accoutrements, 100 new Sharps carbines that were useless without their breechblocks. Demonstrating that they might not be quite as backwards when it came to weapons as the Free-Soilers assumed, one of them contacted the Sharps company in Hartford. On July 3, about three and one-half months after the robbery, Cabot received a letter from James M. Burell, who had been informed, that
The Sharps Rifle Co have received letters from Missouri, asking them if they will send out slides etc for 100 Rifles. A reply has been sent, that it cannot be done. The Rifles must come here to be fitted etc etc etc. If they come here, / shall know it at once. I do not think they will. If you wish any more information upon the subject as to who wrote etc etc etc, I will procure ft. . . . When bad men unite, the Good must combine! Kansas must be saved.
Evidently Cabot asked for more information, for another letter soon came from Burell, dated July 21: "Nothing more as yet about the Rifles. The letter of enquiry as to whether the Co. would furnish the 'slides' was signed 'E. Win-sor' and dated 'Lexington,' Missouri." The slides were never shipped to Missouri, and the rifles were never returned to the company. The company's reply that they had to have the guns to hand-fit the slides was a complete fabrica-
21   Parson*. "David Starr Hoyt." DP 44-45.
tion. Sharps carbines were made of interchangeable parts, and new breechblocks would have slipped right in. This incident does help to demonstrate the closeness with which Sharps worked with the aid company, as they were excellent customers during 1855 and 1856.
The arms were seized probably on March 12 or 13 and aid company headquarters in Boston was immediately notified by Hunt and Company. On the 14th, when the letter of notification was written to Webb from Hunt, details of the robbery were still sketchy. Hunt said that a lawsuit would recover the guns, and it should be initiated in the name of Hoyt. He warned to be more cautious in packaging in the future and added a postscript, saying he was sending a clipping from the paper describing the incidents and ended by stating, "such gross carelessness is inexcusable."
The news of the theft must have been quickly telegraphed to Boston, because also on the 14th Dr. Cabot wrote R. A. Chapman, a Springfield, Conn., lawyer, asking for legal advice. Some of his questions were as follows: since the rifles were in his name, should the suit be in his name or should he sell out (on paper) to someone not connected to the aid company and let him bring suit; where should the suit be filed; were Hoyt and the other three men witnesses enough or were others needed; if the Arabia's officers were involved, could the steamer be seized and be made liable for damages? Cabot also told him that the suit could be more important than the weapons: Feeling as I do that if this occasion be properly used our arms may fight better for Kanzas at Lexington Mo than they could at Lawrence KTI cannot neglect any . «. . effort without risking my future peace of mind. It seems to me that if we can demonstrate to the country and to the world that Western Mo is under the control of a band of highwaymen & that the laws of civilised lands are inoperative in that region we take a long step towards a rapid change in these fillibuslering attempts 6r give a chance for the law loving & lawabiding citizens of Mo to speak out boldly ot put down these Ruffians.
Chapman wrote back to Cabot on March 17. He said that since he was not familiar with Missouri law, he hesitated to answer the questions, but he did recommend that Cabot should retain his brother-in-law Samuel Knox of the law firm Knox and Kellog in St. Louis; ".    .    .    his sympathies are strongly with us."
22. P. A. Hunt Co. to Dr. Thomas H. Webb. March 14, 1S56. "NEEACP." Roll I

[PAge 45]

The Arabia Incident                                                            45
He did, however, advise that the suit should be in Hoyt's name rather than in Cabot's.
The aid company wanted the arms back, but was afraid that it might be embarrassed by them, as it had always claimed, of course, to have had no hand in shipping guns to Kansas. Amos Lawrence piously but revealingly said, "If we were not officers of the Emigrant Aid Co (wh. takes no part in such matters and ought not) we cd get them by a suit: but whether we can do it by proxy remains to be seen." By April 3, Hoyt had evidently received instructions from Cabot, as he had already seen Knox.
Mr. Knox of the firm of Knox or Kellog (lawyers) to whom I have shown the papers I brought down the river says the case is perfectly good on our side-against the Lexington men and he thinks also against the steamboat for 1 year. He advises to bring two suits; one in the U. S. Circuit Court at St. Louis against the six Lexington men who gave me the receipt for damages and value of the Arms, etc Not to replevy the property, as we should have to give security for twice the amount outselves [which the Company was in no financial condition to do]. 2nd a suit in the court of common pleas against the Boat. . . . Mr. K. . . . says you can sue as owner or I can sue as agent in possession. ... I am perfectly willing it should l»e carried on in my name if it is thought best. . . . This suit or these suits I am told can be conducted without my being present. 1 might be in Kansas or in Massachusetts The Missourians are very anxious to prove the arms to have been sent by the Emigrant Aid Society and if I should sue they would be disappointed in not obtaining any information on the subject.
By the same letter, it can be seen that the robbery was even worse than first reported, for in addition to the carbines, cannon, accoutrements, and ammunition, "the large kegs and some other apparatus of 6 cannons" were also lost.
Hoyt's ardor was not dampened, however, as he further wrote, "Still the Free State men & women & children of Kansas are in danger and need all the Arms and assistance that can possibly be obtained. 2,000 Sharps Bifles and 1,000 U. S. Muskets with Bayonets are needed by the free state men today with as many cartridge boxes, bullet moulds, and good supply of powder & lead." In a fiery letter of June 11, he attacked Pomeroy for his nonresistance policies at the sack of Lawrence on May 21 which led to the surrender of other unissued Sharps carbines and the Abbott howitzer," a field piece which had been donated by Fred-
23.  Amos Lawrence to Giles Richards, April 25. 1856, "Amos A. Lawrence Misc. File."
24.  Johnson. Battle Cry of Freedom, p. 159.
erick Law Olmsted, noted author and designer of Central Park in New York. He called for ". . . not necessarily Sharps Bifles but old U. S. Muskets with Bayonets & cartridge boxes at a cost of perhaps 4 dollars apiece. Sharps Bifle is better but costs too much. ... I should like to buy 20,000 U. S. Musket caps (hat caps) in St Louis for $1.60 pr thousand. We need a ton of Rifle powder and 4 tons of lead."
For a time, feelings ran high within the company over the loss of the guns. James Burell, writing Cabot from Cleveland, Ohio, on May 28, said:
Excuse me for seeking an outlet for my feelings by writing to you. . ■ . There is a general feeling that mistakes have been made by attempting to send arms etc via Missouri River to Kansas. Gov. Reeder [former governor of Kansas territory) told mc in February, that if the attempt was made the arms etc would be taken by Missourians. To say the least, he has proved to be a true prophet. I blame no one. Men who have taken their lives in their hands At gone to suffer for Liberty in Kansas will not be blamed by me. even if they should mistake. . ■ . It is even a relief to have the privilege of finding fault. ... No more mistakes can sofely be made in this matter.   .   .   .
On June 18 S. N. Simpson attacked Hoyt in a letter to Cabot, no doubt remembering the lost guns, but decrying something else. "Mr. Hoyt the Sharps Bifles man should not be trusted. He talks against your best men and has no consideration." He was undoubtedly referring to Hoyt's opinion of Pomeroy's capitulation at the destruction of Lawrence.
The law suits were soon initiated in Hoyt's name, and according to Parsons; 50 percent over the value of the guns was collected from the company owning the Arabia due to the connivance of her officers in the robbery." Hoyt never lived to see the return of the weapons. He went to Lawrence from St. Louis and joined the Free-State militia in which he was commissioned major. On or about August 12 he was on some kind of mission to the Pro-slavery-held "Fort Saunders," about 12 miles ' southwest of Lawrence, which was to come under immediate attack by Free-State forces. Although numerous people claimed to know the circumstances of his mission and his death, they do not agree. One said that he went to stop the fighting; another said that he went to reconnoitre; another said that he went as a spy, pretending to have a sack of grain to grind at
25. Parsons. "David Starr Hoyt." p. 45.

[Page 46]

Abbott howitzer surrendered by Samuel C. Pomeroy, principal Kansas agent tor the New England Emigrant Aid Company, during the sack of Lawrence May 21, 1856, in an attempt to avert greater calamity.
the mill; another said he went to try to arbitrate the fight; and another said he went on a "friendly mission." " Parsons said that he went in under a white flag and while returning under its protection was murdered by the men with whom he had parleyed. "Such was the boasted chivalry." As Parsons has the date wrong (he says June) and was probably not there, he no doubt gives a hearsay account.27 Regardless of the intent of the mission, Hoyt seemed to believe that his Masonic affiliation would protect him. One account of his death which has the ring of truth, if not the reason for his mission, is related and signed by George H. Hoyt, a kinsman of his.
He [D. S. Hoyt] was a high Mason, and had been assured by U. S. officers that his mission would be attended by perfect safety. He went alone and unarmed, and it is said was received by the Ruffian commanding with outward manifestations of respect of the high toned and chivalrous invaders. [A man] by the name of Bucher, from Jackson County Missouri, followed him from the camp and having shot him through the back & disfigured his face with nitrate of silver,28 partially covered his mutilated body with dirt, in which condition it was shortly afterward discovered by friends. . . . History would not be "vindicated" were these brief notes abandoned without the remark, that one of his assassins was shot near Westport Missouri, in 1861 by a near relative of the subject of this narrative. The assassin was named Phillip Bucher, and he died while describing the murder of Major Hoyt. The writer of these lines was present.2*
The killing of Hoyt so enraged the Free-State men that their leaders had difficulty restraining them from attacking "Fort Saunders" immedi-
26.  Johnson. Battle Cry, of Freedom, p. 198.
27.  Parsons, "David Starr Hoyt." p. 45
28.  A letter from an unknown person to Edward E. Hale on August 24, 1856, "NEEACP," Roll 1, states 'The head of poor Hoyt was so battered by clubs or the breech of muskets to be just recognizable."
29.  Ceo. H. Hoyt manuscript, "Geo. H. Hoyt Misc. File." The last line of this quotation seems to imply more than it says.
- ately, instead of waiting until all was in readi-
With the death of Hoyt, the suit to regain the guns was going to be more difficult. On March 6, 1857, Knox and Kellog wrote to Cabot, advising him to settle out of a court. The attorneys had talked to the lawyer for the Lexington men, and they had agreed to return the arms and pay all the court costs, if Cabot would give "a bond of indemnity against all liability to the owner of the property in question." If the settlement was not made, the Lexington men would claim in court that they acted as peacemakers in the matter and took the arms at Hoyt's request to save him and his property from the fury of the mob. Knox and Kellog said that they were certain that the defendants could prove this contention by half the citizens of Lexington, whether or not it happened to be true. Also, it would probably be impossible to ascertain who actually stole the guns, as the witnesses would undoubtedly place the blame on "irresponsible men or men who are dead or have removed out of the States," and too, it might be difficult to prove that Cabot actually owned the arms with Hoyt dead.
On August 25 Cabot sent a letter to James B. Abbott, enclosing another to be delivered in reply to the lawyers. In it he told them that they had his letter of a year ago stating how much he was willing to compromise (which must have been little). If the robbers were unwilling to accept his terms, he wanted the suit to immediately proceed for the return of the arms and for damages for the delay. If the guns had already been returned, Abbott was Cabot's agent, and they could be given to him,1'
30.  Johnson. Battle Cry of Freedom, p. 199.
31.  Cahot to Abbott, "Abbott Collection."  manuscript  dent.. Kansas Slate Historical Society.

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The Arabia Incident
The suit continued, and after other correspondence, the law firm wrote on November 16, 1857, that the suit in the U. S. circuit court had been dismissed, and the rifles would soon be returned, with the damages appraised by three disinterested parties.'12 Feet must have been heavily dragged, for Knox and Kellog wrote Abbott on July 17, 1858, that they did not yet have the rifles, but when they got them, they would deliver them to M. F. Conway of Lawrence, another agent of the company. Although they had heard nothing lately, they had been assured that the return agreement would be carried out."
Naturally Cabot and the aid company did not trust the defendants, and for good reason. Besides knowing that they were spiritually bankrupt because they were Proslavery and that they were thieves because they had stolen the guns, they had also reneged on the agreement stated in their receipt to Hoyt, that the guns would be returned upon the request of the governor of Kansas territory. Governor Geary, the successor to Shannon, had signed an order for them in 1857, and they had not been returned.1'
Finally at St. Louis in 1859, the guns were returned to the aid company. They remained in that city for a while, as Cabot was reluctant to send them to Kansas because of the public uproar over John Brown's raid at Harper's Ferry and the fact that Brown and his men had had with them 200 Sharps carbines that were at least loosely connected to the aid company." M. F. Conway, at the urging of General Po-meroy, finally convinced Cabot that even if the weapons were no longer needed in the territory, they would be safer there than in St. Louis. Also, they might be needed southwest of Kansas,* no doubt referring to the company's tentative plans to colonize Free-Soil
32,   Knox and Kellog lo Abbott, Ibid.
33,  Ibid..
34,   Isely, "Sharps Rifle Episode." p. 559.
35,   Ibid., p. 561.
36,   Ibid., p 559.
settlers in Neosho (Indian territory) and West Texas. The guns remained in Conway's hands until at least February 13, 1860, when he testified before a U. S. senate committee investigating the Harper's Ferry raid." Shortly thereafter, upon obviously being reunited with their breechblocks, which had not been inserted in nearly four years, Conway turned the guns over to James Montgomery, a local "Jay-hawker," who used them in the later trouble around Fort Scott.1"
Thus ended a chapter in the history of "Bleeding Kansas." Whether or not the loss of the Arabia arms had any real effect on the outcome of the struggle is difficult to say; it is evident, however, that the weapons shipments did not stop, only their manner changed. The aid company purchased another hundred carbines on March 19, and yet another hundred on June 16, 1856. These guns were not sent out in large shipments as had been done previously (with at least one disastrous result, as we have seen) but were handed individually to the settlers leaving from the East who were going to use them.19 Using this method, there was never another major loss of weapons by the company. As to their contention that they had never been involved in purchasing any weapons to arm the Free-State Kansas settlers, the facts seem to prove otherwise. If only one or two members had, on their own, sought to raise money for guns and sent them to Kansas entirely independently of the company, the company's assertion could be accepted. But when there is provable, systematic involvement by many members and agents of the company on all levels, their denials may be discounted. Like the 200 Sharps carbines before them and like the 200 after them, the arms which were stolen from the Arabia belonged to the New England Emigrant Aid Company.
37.  Smile Committee Report 278 (Serial 1040). 36th Cong.. 1st Sess.. pp. 201-213.
38.  F. B. Sanborn, The Early History ol Kansas," Proceeding! of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Third Series, v. 1 (1907-1908). p. 827.
39.  Johnson. Battle Cry of Freedom, pp. 165-166.

[Page 48]

THE FICTIONALIZED hope held by Kansas agriculturists in the 1890's of creating rain artificially in the semiarid belt, was neither new nor unique. Rainmaking continued as an extension of agricultural myths based, in part, on the premise that Providence held the yeoman in special esteem. Indeed, the basis for such a concept assumed that man had been granted dominion over the elements and therefore he had the capacity to alter the climate as agricultural needs in the semiarid region dictated. Such a romanticized conception of the agriculturalist, therefore, served as a stimulant for westward migration into the trans-Mississippi Plains.
The optimism of late 19th-century Kansas immigrants, relative to the agricultural potential in the former "desert," reinforced itself through widely accepted beliefs. Some agriculturists universely placed their faith in rain following the plow. Still others believed the Kansas climate would become more moderate and conducive to farming through settlement. Cultivation of the soil, some suggested, would substantially alter the semiarid environment. Editors offered the opinion that Kansas would ultimately become a garden because of the unalterable laws of nature. Finally, many scientists and agriculturists agreed that rainfall would increase through the cultivation of forests, widespread adaptation of crops, and the utilization of dry fanning techniques.
As land became available in Kansas following the passage of the homestead act in 1862, scores of Eastern settlers gravitated to the semiarid belt, drawn there by optimistic—yet unfounded—hopes that their presence coupled with their relationship to what Jefferson referred to as nature's God would insure agricultural success. Kansas newspapers, state agricultural societies, popular periodicals, and promotional literature, as well as the reports of
The author wishes to acknowledge a grant from the university grants committee. Oklahoma Baptist University, Shawnee, which generously supported his research efforts relating to this article.
federal agencies, all strongly suggested the widespread circulation and public acceptance of various theories that the Kansas climate had moderated substantially in the late 19th century and that agricultural bonanza for farmers lay in the near future.
The diaries of Elam Bartholomew, a native Pennsylvanian, who as a child moved with his family to the Ohio and Illinois frontiers before migrating to Kansas as a youthful school teacher in 1874, picture the 19th century agriculturist in Kansas typically in at least two respects. They reflect the migration of farmers from Eastern frontiers to Kansas, as well as the dependence of homesteaders upon rainfall for their very survival. Bartholomew notes in his entry for March 16,1874, "Having made up my mind to go to Stockton, Rooks Co., Kansas as a place of future residence I spent the a.m. in packing my personal effects." ' After a rigorous journey to Kansas by rail Bartholomew recorded, on different occasions, his awe of the semiarid summer: "Exceedingly hot weather," "it still being exceedingly hot," "It being intensely hot these four days." ! Although mildly traumatized by weather patterns more erratic than those of Illinois, Bartholomew, nevertheless, remained in Kansas, his optimism largely sustained by his religious faith. He wrote of his frequent church attendance for services, singings, meetings, and social gatherings. From time to time he noted a "good" or "excellent" sermon by the pastor, the Reverend Mr. Bracken.
Somewhat more revealing are the diaries of Thomas Andrew Bone for they bristle with references to weather, crops, hopes for agricultural success in the future, and the notations of his family's involvement in church.1 Concern with the weather and its relationship to his crops also occupied Bone's mind: "weather
1.  "Elam Bartholomew Diaries," manuscript dept., Kansas State Historical Society.
2.  July 3, 7, 21, 1874, ihid.
3.  "Thomas Andrew Bone Diaries" (3 vols., 1851-1911). manuscript dept,. Kansas State Historical Society.

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Chancing Climate: 19th Century Myth
warmer," and "first rain of the spring," exemplify the farmer's entries,' Likewise, Bone's diaries attest to his involvement in the local church.'
Even more succinctly, Charles A. Thresher's diaries described the plight of the 19th century Kansas farmer, his concern with the environment, his avid optimism for the region, and his faith in Providence. Few diary entries between 1871 and 1879 failed to mention the weather. On May 8, 1871, Thresher noted, "rains . . . will do good," and in late summer of the same year, he entered the notation, "heavy rain every night." ' Displaying a consciousness of the erratic weather, Thresher also revealed the insight of his total dependence upon "good weather" i.e., rainfall for his agricultural survival: "RAIN awful big rain—7 inches fell last night."'
Frequently, "RAIN, RAIN," in large letters dominate the page as Thresher expressed his exultation for the downpour." Confident of the improvement in the climate of Kansas, Thresher wrote on July 23, 1889, "RAIN RAIN never a July in Ks like this in 30 years past." " Most revealing is Thresher's final entry for a given year, labeled "Retrospect." '" At the close of 1881, the settler reviewed his labor and observed: "corn about 7 or 8 bu. to the acre— had to sacrifice my stock of hogs—in fact fell in rears borrowed 150. on the house." For Thresher, 1885 improved agriculturally, "A good year crops fair health ordinarily good— Good revival meetings our children joined Church."
Two years later Thresher expressed his thanks for the family's health and added, ". . . very poor crops and raised little or no corn—and cattle almost no sale at all. Yet homes are fair or better than  might be ex-
4.   Ibid.. January 13. 1877. April 6. 1879, A perusal of Bone's notations reveal an avid concern with rainfall. see entries, for example, March 14. 16. and 21. 1879.
5.   Ibid. For example, see entries for March 2, 9. 23. 1879. A typically revealing comment is ". . . went to S[unday) S[chool] quite a good number in attendance."—March 23. 1879.
6.  "Charles A Thresher Diaries." (1871-1891, 1893-1897), manuscript dept.. Kansas State Historical Society.
7.   Ibid., August 10. 1889.
8.   Ibid. See entries for 9. 14-16 of July, 1889 Also the word "RAIN" printed to itself was included in the notation for January 15. 1889. Many entries by Thresher are exclusively weather assessments, see February 27, and March 31. 1889. as typical examples of his weather concerns. Often when the word "RAIN" is imprinted upon the page for emphasis, it is obvious that Thresher pressed his pencil more iirmly upon the page.—Seethe entry for May 12, 1889.
9.   Ibid.. July 23. 1889.
10.   Ibid., "Retrospect" for 1881, 1885, 1887, 1889. 1890. and 1891,
pected." The Thresher family enjoyed both good health and crops in 1889, but the crucial year 1890 contained no mention of harvests. The drouth of 1890 and 1891 took its toll on Thresher as he reviewed the year, "Crops— half crop of corn—oats a failure. Wet spring dry season afterward health variable .    .    .    close times."
Although the diaries revealed the daily hardships of 19th century Kansas farmers as well as their concern for rainfall and weather, diaries were for individual consumption and reflection. In contrast, letters of Kansans mailed to Eastern relatives and friends were available to those contemplating a move to the Jayhawk state. In this sense the letters of Dr. Louis Watson, writing from Ellis county to his mother in Illinois, are most revealing." In July, 1871, Watson wrote, "Nothing suffers from the want of rain. . . ." Commenting upon the number of settlers coming to the state in 1873 Watson claimed, "Ellis [county] has been growing considerably and there are quite a number of decent people here." " The following year the frontier doctor noted the effect Kansas had upon the health of settlers: "The plains are very healthy and with the little population 4 or 500 of our town it would be supposed that there would not be sufficient business to support me." B He added, as if to emphasize his enthrallment with the semiarid belt, "I like it as well as I should anywhere in Eastern Kansas and probably are more contented than I should now be at Quincy." "
Watson emphasized his faith in the future agricultural potential of western Kansas. In the summer of 1875 he penned a note to Illinois in which he emphasized that "There has been sufficent rain this spring to make all sorts of crops thrive and every thing looks well." In the fall of 1875 Watson elaborated upon his assessment recorded in earlier letters:
Crops this year have been very good. The soil is rich . . . this country would beat Illinois in many farm products. The plain* or prairies (forIhey are as much prairies as the . . . country of Illinois) are changing as respects their vegetation. The 'Buffalo grass' is passing away and other grasses replacing it. ... I firmly believe that within a few years here. 300 miles west of the
11.  Letters of Dr. Louis Watson to his mother, in the "P. J. Jennings Papers." manuscript dept.. Kansas State Historical Society.
12.  Ibid. July 17, 1871, and December 22, 1873.
13.   Ibid.. December 12, 1874.
14.  Ibid.

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Kansas History
Charles A.  Thresher (1836-1922) homesteaded at
Berryton in 1857. His diary had many references to
weather and reflected his optimism about the region
and his faith in Providence.
Missouri River, many agricultural products will be bountifully produced. ■
Beyond such personal letters, promotional literature published in the form of immigrant guides by individuals, state agencies, and railroads fostered greater hopes among potential settlers for agricultural success than newspapers, periodicals, or books. The guide, Kansas as She Is, an example of such literature, emblazoned upon its frontispiece "Free Homesteads in the Garden of the World." If such a phrase failed to capture the imagination of the potential Kansan, the rhetoric found inside its pages would surely lure them:
The homestead act throws open to settlers thousands of acres of unoccupied land in Kansas—a gift from the government to the poor. NO OTHER COUNTRY UNDER THE SUN OFFERS SUCH INDUCEMENTS TO THE TOILING MASSES and enables all her citizens "without money and without price," to become independent lords of the soil.1"
According to Kansas as She Is, "The harvest is great, and the yield is bountiful. Prices are liberal, and every inhabitant . . . ought to be, happy and contented." IT Such forecasts, fostering extremely optimistic and mythologi-
15.  Ibid., June 8. October 28. 1875.
16.   Kansas as She Is: The Creates! Fruit, Stock and Grain Country in the World (Lawrence, Kansas Publishing Company. 1870). p. 4.
17.   Ibid., p. 6.
cal conceptions of agricultural potential, paralleled glowing assessments of the state's semiarid environment:
The climate of Kansas is, without exception, the most desirable in the United States—it is better than that even of the same latitude, east of the Mississippi River.   .   .   .
Since the year 1860, the State has been blessed with an abundance of rain . . . The oldest inhabitants universally agree that the drouth of I860 was the only of any consequence that ever visited Kansas.■
The promotional work closed with the admonition that "God might have made prettier country than Kansas, but never did." '"
Other guides, ostensibly published to aid Eastern farmers contemplating a move to Kansas, reinforced the glowing statements found in Kansas as She Is. The Kansas Guide, published in 1871, alluded to fictionalized concepts of "get-rich-quick" agricultural panaceas and excerpted descriptions of the state from other sources: "We warm toward Kansas whenever we hear the name spoken," suggested the Massachusetts Ploughman. The New England Farmer relegated its remarks to succinct descriptions of wise immigrants seeking land beyond the Missouri river. "Not less than a thousand immigrants a day," continued the Farmer, "have been finding homes in Kansas during the fall of 1870, and this flowing tide still continues even into the winter." w
18.   Ibid., p. 8. The publishers mythically suggested that Kansas was the "Mecca ol the young man s hopes, the place of all others where the poor man can achieve a competence and independence, and rise to usefulness and honored citizenship."—p. 27.
19.   Ibid., p. 62. Also, see W. H. Emory. Notes of a Military Reconnoissance, From Fort Leavenworth In Missouri, to San Diego, in California, Including Parks of the Arkansas, Del Norte, and Gila Rivers (Washington. Wendell and Van Benthuysen. Printers. 1848t, in which early descriptions of climate, topography, and fauna resemble the glowing assessments publisheddecades later. In addition, see Percy G. Ebbutt. Emigrant Life in Kansas (London. Swan Sonnenschein and Co.. 1886)- John W. Scott (land commissioner with the L. L. and C. R. R.) Homes for All and Htm to Secure Them. A Guide to the t^eavenworth, !.>m rrru■,• and Galveston Railroad and Its Lands in Southern Kansas (Lawrence, Spirit of Kansas Print, n. <!.); Northern Kansas Immigration Association. Com Is King, the Advantages Northern Kansas Offers to Home Seekers and I sind-Buyers (Kansas City. Mo.. Press of Ramsey. Millott & Hudson. 1888); M. H. Leonard. "Southwestern Kansas Seen With Eastern Eyes.' Atlantic Monthly, Boston. July. 1885, pp. 101-108; Josiah Copley, Colorado and Its Relations to Kansas (2d ed., Lawrence, n. p.. 1873. and Wayne Griswold, M. D.. Kansas Her Resources and Developments or the Kansas Pilot Giving a Direct Road to Homes for Everybody Also the Effect of Latitudes on Life Locutions, With Important Facts for All European Immigrants (Cincinnati, Rohert Clarke & Company, 1871).
20.  Ceo. W. Hamblirn The Kansas Guide. Facts and Practical Suggestions to Those Who Intend Seeking New Homes in the "Far West" (Ottawa. Geo. W. Hamblin, 1871), pp. 4-5." See, also. F. C. Adams. The Homestead Guide, Describing the Great Homestead Region in Kansas and Nebraska and Containing the Homestead, Pre-emption and Timber Bounty Laws, and a Map of the Country Described (Waterville, F. C. Adams, 1873). Adams s Homestead Guide included Frequent references to settlers who came to the state and subsequently, through hard work and application of industry. 'mPr"yfd themselves monetarily. "The facts are." Adams insisted, p. 30. "that a man with proper notions of life, and with a disposition to he industrious and frugal, can better himself by going west."

[Page 51]

Changinc Climate: 19th Century Myth

Free Homesteads in the Garden of the World.
n n
"Great State of Kansas."
The Greatest f roil Slock and Grain Country in the World.
**                           FBBL15BW II TBI KANSAS PIBHSBKG COIPANT.
tteT ones, towns, rivers,  railroads completed, rail-
"                 Z  O,°KA»*A> 1"> MM. *S THEY  APPEARED Dl
^                                                 LAWRENCE,  KANSAS.
Kansas as She Is: The Greatest Fruit, Stock and Grain Country m the World (Lawrence, Kansas Publishing Company, 1870), was typical of the books promoting immigrationi to Kansas ir.the ae 19th century. Shown here is the first inside page. Such literature published by indiv duals, state agencies, and railroads served as guidebooks and fostered hopes among potential settlers tor
agricultural success.

[Page 52]

Kansas History
In Kansas as It Is, L. D. Burch eloquently compared the semiarid region to "the plains of Lombardy" adding that Kansas soon would become "as lovely as the fabled Eden." In his words, settlers moving into Kansas could expect a land where "the sunlight falls upon its matchless landscapes as softly as upon the limpid waves of Naples Bay. It is," Burch continued, "something to live in a land where Apollo may tend flocks on the hills and Sappho turn dairy-maid, singing her sweet songs in the shadows of the blue mounds." " Burch urged his readers to join those settlers who had decided to seek their agricultural fortunes in Kansas. "How instinctively everything drifts westward," admonished Burch, ". . . out of the West comes Life." a
In assessments of the state compatible with those of Burch, Frederick Collins in Kansas!, published in the mid-1880's, referred in his preface to the state as "the garden of the world." He reminded Eastern readers of what fortune lay in the future for them should they decide to homestead beyond the Missouri river. In Collins's opinion, "God never favoured man with a fairer land, richer plains, more fertile valleys, clearer skies, a more genial climate, greater promise of such unparalleled advantages." "
Promotional literature published by the Union Pacific railroad, designed to capture the migrating fancy of potential emigrants in the East, contained glowing accounts of an agricultural paradise included in immigrant guides, but it stressed that the Kansas climate offered greater farming opportunities. "The climate in these parts," in the testimonial of a Saline county settler, "has been materially modified in the past few years by some cause. . . ." Another Kansan stressed that tornadic and cylonic storms had diminished in regularity and that "We now have rain without thunder and lightning." " Jeff Jenkins, in The
21.  L. D. Burch. Kansas as It U, a Complete Review of the Resources, Advantages and Drawbacks of the Great Central State (Chicago. C, S. Burch and Company. 1878). p. 141.
22.   Ibid.
23.   Frederick Collins. Kansas! Information Relating to Its Location. Extent. General Surface Features, Population. Farm. Crop and Livestock Statistics. Mineral Resources, Vacant Public Lands, Schools. Churches, Manufactures, Assessed Valuation, Etc.. Etc.. Etc. (from Report of the Stale Board of Agriculture. Belleville, n. p., 1885-1886). pp. 54). A contemporary writer observed that such "guides" were "published ana broadcast through the country, painting Kansas as the Paradise of fanners."
24.  B McAlbuler, Kansas. The Golden Belt Lands Along the Line of the Kansas Division of the V.P.R.Y. (Kansas City. Mo., n. p.. n. d.).
Northern Tier, agreed with settlers, promoters, newspaper editors, state agricultural publications, and college professors relative to a substantial and lasting alteration of the Kansas climate. "The hot winds," wrote Jenkins, "and occasional drouths that were observed before the country was settled are things of the past."" In The Homestead Guide, Adams agreed with his contemporaries and elaborated that "The fall of moisture on the plains is steadily on the increase ... as cultivation and tree-growing advance; and as the Indian, the buffalo and the prairie-fires cease to prevail." **
Literature extolling Kansas as an Eden with abundant rainfall made an impact upon those Easterners willing to believe the rhetoric. The journalist Horace Greeley noted in the New York Tribune the degree of acceptance in the popular mind of the emerging agricultural mythology. "Settlers are pouring into . . . Kansas by car-loads, wagon-loads, horse-loads, daily," he reasoned, "because of the fertility of her soil, the geniality of her climate, her admirable diversity of prairie and timber, the abundance of her living streams, and the marvelous facility wherewith homesteads may be created." "
Moreover, the publicity afforded Kansas' fruit for "the largest and best display . . . unequalled in size, beauty, and excellence" w by the American Pomological Society at Richmond, Va., in 1871 added to the state's agricultural mystique. Indeed, such notoriety for horticultural accomplishments led one publication in 1879 to exclaim: "The whole of the East, and North and Northwest was on the alert. It was wild to go [to Kansas]." K Former Pres. Ulysses S. Grant joined those praising Kansas, by appearing for a July 5 speech at Emporia in 1880. Typical of such speakers, the Civil War hero pointed out that "in our whole beautiful country we have none
25.  Jeff Jenkins. The Northern Tier: or Life Among the Homestead Settlers (Topcka, Ceo. \V. Martin. Kansas Publishing Mouse. 1880). pp. 32J3.
26.  Adams. TV Homestead Guide, p. 41.
27.   New York Tribune. October 9 1870. in D. W. Wilder. Annuls of Kansas (Topcka, T. Dwight Thacher, Kansas Publishing House. 1886). p. 529.
28.   Ibid., S51. The St. Louis Fair. 1871. awarded the State "a diploma for the best exhibition of apples;" the New England^ fair, also in 1871. recognized Kansas "for its best display of fruit;" and the Pennsylvania Horticultural Society awarded Kansas "a silver medal for its fruit."—Annals, p. 552. Some five years later, at the centennial in Philadelphia. Kansas fruit was "awarded the first premium."— Ibid., p. 724.
29.  Topeka Commonwealth, October 17, 1879, in Annals, p. 860.
Chancing Climate:

[Page 53]

19tii Century Myth
that looks to be more productive than the very land I see around me here." " An optimistic assessment of Kansas by the eminent journalist Greeley and the endorsement of the agricultural potential of Kansas by the man who had done much to preserve the Union led Jenkins to assert in his Northern Tier that it
was natural for those in the thickly-settled New England and Middle States, surrounded with facilities for comfort and luxury, to imagine that a homestead-settler, by procuring a quarter-section of land for a mere nominal sum, in the midst of an extensive prairie, surrounded with nature's embellishments, was a fortunate being, who with a few days' labor could convert his new possession into a garden of beauty and fields of plenty.
This temptation, in Jenkins's view, induced "the landless in [the East] ... to make the trial by the gratuitous advice of friends, and elaborate articles in newspapers, culminating in the memorable words of an eminent journalist, 'Go West!' " " Some years earlier journalist Frederick Lockley wrote from a similar perspective about the migration to Kansas: "There is no doubt that a large share of the many thousands who are flocking into Kansas have their minds filled with exaggerated ideas of the profitable chances that await them." M
Still, the most eloquent description of Kansas, its people, and their success "in the garden," emerges in Jeff Jenkins's Northern Tier. For example, Jenkins carefully paraphrased the words of a sermon delivered by Rev. Romulus Pintus Westlake:
The honest laborer and Christian who "hews to the line," and makes society better and happier, and causes the light of civilization to penetrate the wilderness, thus dispelling the gloom of ignorance and barbarism, and causes Christianity to speak its genial rays wide over the world, may truly be classed as one of Nature's noblemen . . . whose energy and enterprise have caused the rose to blos-
30.  Wilder. Annals, p. 884. Grant joined the chorus of praise lifted to Kansas agricultural virtues. "Western Kansas." wrote a 19th century- author, "has one of the most genial and pleasant climates, all the year round, of any section of the United States. Owing to this salubrious climate the health of the people is most excellent. Epidemics seldom occur. The diseased become robust and strong. The native consumptive is unknown Catarrh is extirpated. The hope produced by health stimulates and cxhilerates all the people."—-See Dr. W. A. Yingling, Westward or Central-Western Kansas (Ness City. Star Printing Co., 18901, p. 11. JeH In-:::, in The Northern Tier, p. 32, described the Kansas climate as possessing "vernal beauty, enlivened with refreshing showers ami sunshine. He added that the state'senvironment. as a result was "invigorating, healthy and inviting."
31.  Jenkins. Northern Tier. p. 85.
32.   Lakeside Monlrdu. Chicago (March, 1871), p. 199. Lockley, as others, stimulated the desire among Easterners to homestead in Kansas when he offered the opinion that "A hardy and industrious settler can here [Kansas] find an ample farm within his means of purchase: and what future enhancement of values results from increased population, serves to reward him for the privations and exposure of his early years."—p. 201.
som upon the desert waste, beautified the forest wilds, and gathered the splendors of the valley into the storehouse of usefulness. "
Jenkins referred to the invincible spirit among newly settled homesteaders and their burning desire, sometimes amid temporary privation, to extend "a desirable civilization into the wilderness." Moreover, the writer had himself observed the conversion of "waste places" in northern Kansas into "fields of plenty." In words similar to those used by other writers, Jenkins utilized symbolic language, pregnant with meaning to Eastern minds, as he, too, suggested Kansans daily created an agricultural Utopia in which the landscape blossomed "like . . . gardens of beauty." M Indeed, a garden was attainable because, to Jenkins, the terrain revealed an extremely rich soil "checkered with meandering streams of pure water," while uncultivated sod anticipating the settler's plow, "was covered with nutritious grasses."" Jenkins's agricultural hero, performing heroic deeds as he transformed the desert into a garden, symbolized "the sunburned settler, clad in his home-made raiment," who daily laid "the foundations of a high civilization." *
Letters sent ot Gov. George Anthony by Easterners considering homesteading in Kansas revealed that optimistic assessments of Kansas had penetrated the minds of the Eastern populace. A letter from Pennsylvania typified Eastern inquiries and suggested that "20-25 families" would, in the near future, homestead in Kansas.37 Similarly, A. W. Tour-gee of New York informed Anthony that he desired land in Kansas because he wished "to go where [I] can find free schools and be free men."M From Belleville, 111., a prospective settler wrote that he should expect "thirty or
33.  Jeff Jenkins. The Northern Tier. p. 103.
34.   Ibid., p. 151. Jenkins's words as others'had to have popular appeal to a landless easterner, or to a debt-ridden farmer looking eagerly to the West. "The prospect of a home unburdened with rent," Jenkins emphasized, "and unimcumbered with delit and mortgage: the future prospect of schools and churches, and the noble impulse to establish the nucleus of a civilization ... in which the healthlut breeze would fan the brows of a (ree people. .   .   ."— Ibid., p. 17.
35.   Ihid.. p. 32. 38. Ibid., p. 21.
37.  Letter from Geo. W. Benton. Germantown. Penn.. January 3. 1877, "Papers of Gov. George Anthony." Correspondence Received (1877-1879>, Box 3, archives, Kansas State Historical Society.
38.  A. W, Tourgee to Anthony. Raleigh, N.C., June 8, 1877, "Anthony Papers."

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Joel Moody (1833-1914). a poet best known lor his "Song of Kansas,'' praised the state's climate and citizens. Sketch reproduced from The Song of Kansas and Other Poems (Topeka^George W. Crane and CompanyASM).
\ y^a^ t_*   ' n"   •    »    •
forty familys" to homestead in the state in the near future.38
Additional prospective settlers participated in forming colonies to enter the state. A. Copley, representative of such colonizers, wrote Anthony seeking the governor's aid in selecting the site for a colony when he arrived.*' Materials published by the state board of agriculture impressed one prospect contemplating a Kansas homestead: "I am thinking," wrote the Easterner, "about emigrating to Kansas with a half dozen other people and in looking at the matter I have seen 'The Report of the State Board of Agriculture for 1875.' That contains a great deal of information which I [could] use." *' "We have," wrote V. C. Taylor from Cleveland, Ohio, "a great many people in our city who are talking of emigrating to your state and there is not a day passes but what I am inquired of if I know what kind of land
39.  Simon Peter lo Anthony. Belleville, III.. January  13, 1878. ibid.
40.  A. Copley to Anthony. Paola. November 28. 1877. ibid.
41.  F. H. Fuller to Anthony. Boston, Mass., November 5, 1877. ibid.
there is in such and such a county in Kansas." «
From New York City, Chas. R. Parmele informed Anthony that he had wished for years to migrate to Kansas. The Jayhawk state, Parmele confessed, loomed even more attractive for him because of the "fine display . . . made at the Centennial." Edgar Eddy" wrote a relative in Kansas, George Leslie Eddy, November 25, 1877: "Hod talks about coming to  Kansas." Earlier, in April,
1877,   Edgar again wrote to George Leslie Eddy from Broken Straw, N.Y., asking if his cousin was "bound to stay out there [in Kansas] and get rich? There is quite a number gone from Panama [New York] to Kansas this Spring. Dr. J. C. Lewis went last Monday and Eugene Butler, Luly Rundall's man and some, others up on the town line road." Beyond such letters, didactic poetry fostered the mythical imageries of peaceful pastoral scenes. Poetry reinforced the prevailing assessments of other writers for it appealed to the heroic conception of farmers conjured in the popular mind. W. A. Yingling, in his guide for immigrants entitled Westward or Central-Western Kansas, included a poem filled with vivid imagery:
Verdant wheatfields stretching southward ^D               Fruitful orchards east and west;
t s^\* Not a spot in all the prairies
That the spring-time has not blessed; Every field a smiling promise. Every home an Eden fair; And the angels-Peace and Plenty— Strewing blessings everywhere."
Similarly, E. P. Ford, in Kansas, beckoned the Easterner to the state in the final stanza of the poem, "Kansas:" "We invite the honest toiler to this garden spot of earth." He urged the intrepid victim in the East to abandon his:
42.  V, C. Taylor to Anthony, Cleveland, Ohio, January 14, 1878,
43.  C. R. Parmele to Anthony, New York City, June 25, 1878 ibid. H H. Forbes in Bolton. Conn., wrote Anthony that he wished to read more material on the future prospects of the state: "I am contemplating going West . . . send me a descriptive catalogue.   .    .   ."—H. H. Forbes to Gov. Ceorge Anthony. May IB.
1878.  The Eddy correspondence is contained in a private collection, the "Eddy Papers, in the possession of John L and Margaret Eddy, Neodesha. This writer is indebted to them for givinghim permission lo peruse them. The letters contain many references to friends and relatives who were in the process of making the lengthy journey from New York to Kansas. Subsequent Kansas governors received considerable amounts of mail from Eastern residents who expressed their desire to homestead in tire state.—See the "Cleorge C.fiek Papers" (I883-1H85). Incoming Correspondence—Immigration, Archives, Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka; also the "John St. John Papers" (1879-18831. Correspondence Received-Immigration, ibid.
44.  W. A. Yingling. vVesftwirrf or Central-Western Kansas, p. 5.

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Changinc Climate: 19th Century Myth
Sterile hillsides, pulling roots and picking stones; See this land of milk and honey, leave the hillsides to the drones.
We have room for brawn, and brain, and for energy galore; And tho' thousands now are coming, there is room for thousands more."
Joel Moody in "The Song of Kansas," praised the state's climate and its citizenry. In one stanza he described what the future immigrants could expect to attain should they choose a Kansas homestead:
Husbands and wives, and little ones.
Are kings and queens on Kansas soil,— Their empire rests secure from broil,— And here in peaceful life they toil, And raise for Liberty her sons.*1
Few poems, perhaps, possessed the capacity to stir the imagination of potential homesteaders in the 19th century more than Eugene Ware's "Ironquill." Ware alluded to a mythical prehistoric age in the initial stanza, drawing the reader's imagination toward the dawn of creation. Cadmus roamed the earth, the author suggested, in "days unknown." In an age in which the dormant plains remained unmolested from human encroachment, Cadmus planted the seeds of a future civilization. The Indians and the Spanish conquistadores failed to unlock the mysteries of the semiarid region, but then "Came the blue-eyed Saxon race / And it bade the desert awaken." In Ware's words:"
45. Poem by E. P. Ford in Kansas: Its History, Resources and Prospects (Wichita, Eagle Printing House, 1890), p. 20.
16. Moody, however, recognized the difficult life in store for settlers. He wrote in an additional stanza:
"What though their earthly lot is hard!
What though their humble house be sod! They bend no knee to tyrant's nod; There they may live and worship God. And love shall never be debarred."— See Joel Moody, The Song of Kansas and Other Poems (Topeka, Ceo. W Crane 6: Co.. 1890). p. 83.
47. Eugene Ware 'Ironquill." in D. W. Wilder, Annals, p. 1170. Lydia A. White had suggested a similarly symbolic and mythological process in her poem, "The Plowmen,' Wichita Eagle, April 23. 1874. The impact of the didactic poem is, perhaps, best expressed by a Kansas journalist: "During the year 1879, closing with August, not less than sixteen million acres of government lands were taken up by homestead entries alone, and fully fourteen million acres of new lands were sold to settlers. It is estimated that half a million people settled upon the new lands in 1878, and the number for the present year promises to be greater."—Dodge City Times. April 10. 1879. For the determination of the stock-holders and railroad executives to pass the land into the hands of actual settlers, see Second Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Kansas Pacific Railway Company to the Stockholders for the Year Ending December 31, l»S8(St. Louis. I-evision & Blythe. Printers, 1869). p. 1. The promotional literature published by various rail lines within the state contained, again, glowing estimates of agricultural Ixtnanza and evidence that the climate of Kansas was improving and becoming more hospitable for farming.
And it [Saxon race| bade the climate vary; And waiting no reply From the elements on high, ft with ploughs besieged the sky—
Vexed the heavens with the prairie.
Then the vitreous sky relented. And the unacquainted rain Fell upon the thirsty plain. Whence had gone the knights of Spain,
Disappointed, discontented.
We have made the State of Kansas
And today she stands complete.   .   .   .
Ware emphasized that the transformation of the desert had been dependent upon the Anglo-Saxons, who with their plows had attacked the sky, demanding of nature that it provide rainfall for the civilization to come. Such an epic spoke directly to a popular mind in the 19th century which accepted this literary form and blended it with what they considered to be the actual experience of semiarid settlers. Within this blurred vision of reality, mystical though it appeared, homesteaders and Easterners as well accepted the rhetoric and romanticism as fact. Moreover, the slogan, "We have made the State of Kansas," was no longer an idle boast; but rather it projected a particular perception of reality—an acceptable mode of belief—to the 19th century mind. Similarly, a pioneer guidebook suggested, "You look around and whisper, T vanquished this wilderness and made the chaos pregnant with order and civilization.' " M
Ralph Waldo Emerson, in Nature, emphasized that "Nature is thoroughly mediate. It is made to serve ... It offers all its kingdoms to man as the raw material which he may mould into what is useful." " On another occasion, Emerson, in an essay entitled, "Farming," observed, "The farmer was the first man, and all historic nobility rests on his possession and use of the land." Emerson further inquired: "Who are the farmer's servants? Geol-
48.  Roderick Nash. "The American Wilderness," in From Con-servation to Ecology, p. 8.
49.  Ralph Waldo Emerson. Nature (1868). in Leo Marx. Mocnme in the Garden (New York. Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 231. Tlie world. Emerson suggested, "becomes at last only a realized will, the double of(the man." William Best Hesseltine's "Four America Traditions," Journal of Southern History, Houston. Tex., v. 27. no. 1 (Febmary, 1961), p. 21. is compatible with Emerson's views- see. also, the poem which begins "Oh. there is good in labor.' in ibid., p. 19. fn addition, see American Journal of Science. New Haven. Conn., v. 38 (1840), pp. 276-297, ;„ Leo Marx, Machine in the Garden, p. 196. To the scientific community writer and poet, and the popular mind as  well in the   19tn century,
'man ... is indeed, 'lord of creation'; and all nature, as though daily more sensible of the conquest, is progressively making less and less resistance to his dominion."—Ibid.

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Kansas History
ogy and chemistry, the quarry of the air, the water of the brook, the lightning of the cloud, the castings of the worm, the plough of the frost." ■ And he continued by noting that "the profession has in all eyes its ancient charm, as standing nearest to God, the first cause."
Decades thereafter, L. H. Bailey, in The Outlook to Nature, essentially agreed with Emerson's wisdom recorded in "Farming." Bailey suggested that the farmer struggled in a state of nature against what must have been seemingly insurmountable odds. "But day in and day out, year in and year out; sun and rain," Bailey wrote, "he [the farmer] stands by his plow and works out his own salvation. It is not mere dull work to follow the plow ... if one is conscious of all the myriad forces that are set at work by the breaking of the furrow; . . . the free fields, the clean soil, the rain, the promise of crops." "
The imagery of mystically unlocking the supernatural forces, previously untapped in the universe by the plow or furrow, conjured to Bailey and conveyed to the popular mind as well, the fabled process of rain dutifully following the plow. Such a premise had become to the Kansan and the potential Jayhawker in the East an unimpeachable dictum in the 1870's and 1880's. Indeed, as rainfall appeared in the semiarid belt seemingly beckoned by the settler's plow, one Dodge City newspaper predicted in 1879 that in two years "we will be standing in fields bearing luxuriant growth— the tree, the vine, the flower, to give shade and rest from a hard day's toil." "
50.  Ralph Waldo Emerson. "Farming," in Shirley D. Bahhil and Lowry C. Wimberlcy, eds.. Essays on Agriculture (1921). pp. 1, S. Emerson emphasized the role of the farmer in the mystical process of transforming land, devoid of agriculture, into productive farming regions. "The food which was not." wrote Emerson, "he Ithc farmer] causes to be." In addition, see Robert E. Spillcr. cd.. Floe Essays on Man and Nature: Emerton (Northbrook, III., AHM Publishing Corporation. 1954).
51.   I. H. Bailey, The Outlook to Nature (New York, the Mac-millan Company, 1905), pp. 83, 159. Nineteenth-century writers concerned with agricultural themes often refer to farming as a "conversion" or "salvation" experience. Leo Mars, in Machine in the Garden, p. 232, observing such a trend in literature, has written: "The idea of the countryside as the appropriate site of the conversion experience is common to the Christian tradition and the romantic poets. It is the accepted convention of New England Calvinism. [Jonathan Edwards] describes the state of grace as making the soul 'like a field or garden of God. with all manner of pleasant Rowers; all pleasant, delightful, and undisturbed; enjoying a sweet calm ana the gently vivifying beams of the sun.'
52.  Dodge City Times, Septemlier 20, 1879. "Morris Collar." according to the Timet, "has cottonwood trees fully sixteen and twenty feet high and four and six inches in diameter. The growth of all kinds of trees has been wonderful this year."—Ibid., September 27.1879. Many individuals of the 19th century assumed there was a relationship between soil fertility and the growth of trees. In addition to this concept the prevailing myth in the semiarid sector
Similarly, the glowing rhetoric of Joel Moody, expressed in his poem, "Song of Kansas," conveyed and sustained allegorical truths while also dispelling "False signs to scare" occasionally cropping up among discerning critics of the state's agricultural potential. Admitting that the immigrant might be subjected at "crossings of old Indian trails" to scandalous untruths about crop failures, drouths, and storms. Moody nevertheless urged future homesteaders to follow the lead of the agrarian hero depicted in his poem. When faced with falsehoods, Moody's farmer became a militant farmer-activist:
Al these the sturdy pioneer
Leveled his axe; and with a stroke Cut down the lies; and then he broke The sod with plow and steers, and woke
The earth to grow his harvests here."         .
More importantly, as Eugene Ware suggested in "Ironquill," and as Lydia A. White expressed in "God Will Bless the Labors of the Plow," Moody, too, recognized the omnipotence or "the power of the plow" in the mystical but unfolding process of climate modification in the steady march of the pioneer toward the Utopia of agricultural plenty. To accomplish the goal of productivity. Ware's farmer-heroes, "the blue-eyed Anglo Saxon race," had resorted to the weaponry of their plows in voicing their demand for rain from the heavens.
Lydia A. White's agriculturist, however, refused to resort to such militancy; the possession of the plow by the farmer, and the thrusting of that instrument into the earth would by the force of that magical moment insure the blessings of nature's God. Moody's hero-farmer, however, had to "set things straight" before he implemented the cosmic forces of climate alteration with his plow. The imagery of didactic poems in the 19th century, from Emerson to Moody, had a great impact upon the popular mind. The reception of such mythology,* through  the  written  word, de-
of the Plains was that groves ol trees would help modify and moderate the exigencies of the scant rainfall belt. Also, see ibid., September 6, 1879, in which the Times welcomed "the immigrant
[bo] a warm and cordial reception . . . and rich fields; where ealth and prosperity await the prudent and industrious. A few years will transform the bleak and cheerless waste into teeming fields and verdant groves."
53.  Joel Moody, "Song of Kansas." in Song of Kansas, p. 85.
54.   Marx, Machine in the Garden, p. 40,". . . the association of America with idvllic places," according to Marx, "was destined to outlive Elizabethan fashions by at least two and one half centuries. It was not until late in the nineteenth centurv that this way of thinking about the New World lost its grip upon the imagination of Europe and America."

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Chancing Climate:
pended upon the willingness of thousands of potential immigrants to test the fictionalized conceptions of western Kansas—the mythical region responsible for spawning and sustaining the romantic concepts. The influx of immigrants the state received in the latter portion of the 19th century attested to the faith in romantic ideologies and became the primary indicator of the level of acceptance of fictionalized beliefs among the people. Stimulated by weather myths, the masses journeyed to Kansas. Once on the "semiarid soil," they put the existing concepts to the test.58
Nineteenth-century rainmaking efforts in Kansas thus emerge as the result of a complex pattern of agricultural myths. The basis for the faith of the settlers in rainmaking experiments began in the 18th century amid the philoso- ' phical concepts of Thomas Jefferson, who stressed the virtue of farming and that those who chose it as a vocation were, in turn, the "chosen people of God." Agriculturists were viewed as unique in their relationship to Providence and because of this linkage were granted dominion over the elements with the mystical power to alter the climate regardless of semiarid obstacles that might lay in their path to agricultural success. Fictionalized conceptions of the West and of agricultural potential were spread by journalists, speculators, early Plains travelers, agriculturists, members of the scientific community, railroads, state and national agricultural and horticultural agencies, and a host of 19th century authors and poets.
55. Various writers have defined Ihe word. myth. To F. O. Matthiessen, ". . • myths are collective dreams." in American Arnulriancf (New York. Oxford University Pren. 1941). p 629. "Thomas Mann has said almost the same things about myth. He has called it a mode of celebrating life whereby the moment becomes infinitely larger than itself, and the individual existence escapes from its narrow bounds and finds sanction and consecra* tion . . 'life in the myth (in the words of Thomas Mann], life solo speak in quotation, is a kind of celebration, in that it becomes a religious art. the performance by a celebrant of a prescribed procedure; it becomes a feast. For a feast is an anniversary, a renewal of the past in the present.' " Matthiessen also wrote: "Thoreau's major reason for valuing myth: the way it reveals the inevitable recurrence of the elemental human patterns."—Ibid., p. 631. Marc Landy has insisted that "myths do more than communicate information, they foster catharsis." in "Country Music: the Melody of Dislocation," New South, Atlanta, v. 26 (Winter. 1971), p. 68; to Leo Marx, in Machine m the Garden, pp. 142-143. myth is 'a mode of belief'; finally, William V. Thomas suggests that myths become most meaningful as modes of belief when they are attacked by those who fail to share their belief. In Thomas's words. "Unwilling to endure the erosion of our myths, we suffer to defend them, since their collapse is a prelude to our own," "Literary Excursions Into Death, The Chronicle of Higher Education, Baltimore, v. 6 (May 12. 1975). p. 10. This contemporary interpretation of mythology helps explain the tenacity of 19th-century farmers who ('lung desperately to their beliefs,
19th Century Myth                                            57
Eugene Ware (1841-1911), Kansas newspaperman
and poet, most famous for his "Rhymes of Ironquill,"
stirred the imagination of potential homesteaders in the
19th century.
As it became apparent to Kansas homesteaders that the climate in the sparse rainfall belt had not immediately moderated, homilies and simplicities relative to the state appeared regularly. Some clung to the idea that the climate changed, however imperceptibly, with settlement, and in spite of evidence suggesting otherwise, drouths became exceptions and past phenomena. Fluctuating and erratic weather patterns prevailed and new methods of cultivation arose as panaceas in exceptionally dry portions of the state. New homilies emerged as farmers toiled attuned to the slogans: "try harder," "wait 'til next year," "Tough it through!" Other agriculturists held to the concept that God blessed "the Labors of the Plow." Many felt that inadequate rainfall could be effectively solved by planting trees in verdant groves throughout the state. Still others believed that with greater migration to Kansas rainfall would substantially increase.
Crop adaptation and new plowing methods were attempted to insure agricultural success in the 1880's by farmers whose crops dried and

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withered in parched fields." The advent of the "drouth of 1890" called for more effective measures to guarantee adequate rainfall for crops. Many Kansas farmers, therefore, accepted the mythical rainmaker who promised to beckon precipitation from the clouds and who became a charismatic and cosmic miracle
56. T. S. Eliot, in ^The Waste Land," published in 1922. captured in another setting the pathos of hopelessness approaching that experienced hy Kansas settlers decades before:
"April is the cruellest month, breeding
Lilacs nut of the dead land, mixing
Memory and desire, stirring
Dull roots with Spring rain.   .   .   .
What are the roots that clutch, what branches grow
Out of this stony rubbish? Son of man.
You cannot say, or guess, for you know only
A heap of broken images, where the sun beats.
worker. With his mystical machinations and drawing from a tradition which stressed that man could control the elements as agricultural needs so dictated, the rainmaker worked his magic—but to no avail. The agricultural mind of the 19th century had been prepared for his arrival.
And the dead tree gives no shelter, the cricket no relief.
And the dry stone no sound of water.   .   .   .
If there were the sound of water only
Not the cicada
And the dry grass singing
But sound of water over a rock
Where the hermit-thush sings in the pine trees
Drip drop drip drop drop drop drop
But there is no water."— T. S. Eliot. TV Waste Land and Other Poema (rev. ed., New York. Hareourt, Brace and World. Inc., 1962), pp. 29-10, 43.
Annual Report
For many years the Historical Society's annual reports were published at this point in the spring issues of the Kansas Historical Quarterly. Kansas History will not include the annual reports. However, John E. Wickman's presidential address at the October 18, 1977, annual meeting appears on the following pages. Copies of the annual report for 1977 are available at the Society free of charge.

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DURING the past three years I carefully planned for this moment. My presidential address would be a departure from the precedents of the past. Even the title would be different, "A Society at the Crossroads," subtitled, "The Legacies of Our Foundering Fathers!" However, every time I started to write I discovered that someone had appropriated a line here, or a line there. For example, the original opening lines were to be quotes from Charles Dickens's A Tale of Two Cities. I would look out over the luncheon audience and intone, "It was the best of times, it was the worst of times."
That line wound up in the wastebasket after former Sen. Mike Mansfield spoke at Kansas State University, and titled his address after Dickens's famous opening. I was flattered with the thought that the senator might have picked my brain by ESP, but the labor of starting over again made me wish for a line from an obscure Afghanistan poet, whose work was only read inside the fastness of the Hindu Kush!
The intent of Dickens's opening was to express a mood which I have felt very strongly since becoming an officer of this Society. It is almost a lament that I have heard from past and present officers, staff members, people who visit our historic sites, and even the general public. All of that communication, at varying times, says, "The Society is doing great today, but it sure was poor in the past." Or, "The Society is doing well today, but tomorrow disaster will surely strike." Or, "They don't keep the sites up the way they used to." Or, "If only I had joined the Society 20 years ago I really would have been in it at the height of its power and influence."
All of that reminded me of a refrain that ran through dozens of speeches I wrote while in the governor's office during 1964-1965: "We point with pride"; or, "we view with alarm." The trick in those days was to remember what you pointed to with pride last month, so you
did not wind up viewing it with alarm this month!
In 1975 Ed Langsdorf presented the Society with a history of its first century of existence. Last year Homer Socolofsky presented a look at the centennial celebration. It is time to look ahead. Let us go back to those discarded opening lines for a moment. In thinking over the problems of the Kansas State Historical Society, it occurs to me that those problems now, and the ones to come in the next 100 years, are always the product of the times, be they the best or worst of times.
People still quote Dickens because he hit on a basic truth about the duality of how human beings will view any event. It reminds me of the old definition of the difference between an optimist and a pessimist. A half-filled glass for an optimist is half full; for a pessimist it is half empty. If our Society is to successfully meet the ever changing times of the next century of our corporate existence, we will need to keep redefining our perspective on when things are better or worse. I am sure there will be many times when the problems and opportunities of the future will find no scale for judging them by the past. We must continue to rework our understanding of where we have been, where we are now, and where we can go.
When I decided to break with the tradition of the out-going president presenting an historical sketch, I did so with the knowledge that I am one of the few presidents of this organization who has a background as a working historical administrator. There is a great advantage in that circumstance, but there is also possibly a disadvantage as well. I have broken the tradition in the hope that my action will be followed by more and continuous communication between my successors and our membership.
The advantage of my profession is that I, in the words of Prof. Harold Hill of Music Man fame, know the territory. Historical adminis-

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Kansas History
tration has been my turf for almost a dozen years. In addition, during the past 13 years I have had the opportunity to view this Society from the perspective of the governor's office, the perspective as a member, and the perspective as a director and officer of the Society. During each one of the past 12 years, in my capacity as director of the Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, some good citizen has reminded me, by mail, phone, or in person, that our library exists to serve the American people, at whatever point they are in their understanding of the subject matter of our institution. Those reminders have led to constant change, growth, and continuous reevaluation of procedures. We are reminded that we do not exist to serve and enjoy ourselves. Looking over the recent past of the Kansas State Historical Society, I do not find that a similar lesson has been taught at the state level. I will have more to say about that later.
Allow me a short aside on criticism. Criticism is part of the American way of life. If you read Ed Langsdorf's centennial article, you will find that the Society has had its share over the years. The American bent for criticism probably started with Columbus. You will recall that the crew was criticizing him all the way across the Atlantic. You can almost hear them now, "This trip is a bummer; it's too hot; it's too cold; the food is bad; the water is low; and what's more Crazy Chris doesn't know where we are!"
With that kind of a beginning it is a small wonder that the habit is so entrenched. Every national group that followed had that same fun-filled sea voyage to master, and complaining became the national pastime in the New World. Today people in any organization accept it as their inalienable right. If you can't gripe about the place where you work, then you may have to accept the idea that you haven't been thinking about it lately. During the years I taught in college I was often reminded of what was said about college deans. The dean is to the academic world what a fireplug is to the canine! So are executive secretaries of historical societies, so are directors of presidential libraries, and of late it would seem that some politicians probably feel the relationship. The big problem for the critical employee, or even the citizen generally, is that having once treated all those folks as fireplugs.
it is a little tough to go up, towel in hand, and make it believable when we say, "But we really love you for what good works you have done!"
Criticism also has some'odd turns; it has a duality much like the perspective problem we noted earlier. Most criticism stems from two sources. The first is that changes have been made in "the way things were." The second source is that there have been no changes in the way things are. You will recall what happened last year when Gerry Gilmore, from his position of clear rationality inside the Utah State Prison said, "Do it!" Many Americans said that even though Mr. Gilmore wanted it done to him, they knew far better what was right, and good, and urged that it not be done. Many of the critics of the Kansas State Historical Society put us in the same position. If we want to change things, we are criticized; and if we don't change things we are criticized.
It reminds me of the story of the politician who was facing a hostile audience, trying to get them to accept his line of reasoning. At one point in his speech he declared, "And all of the problems which you people have stem from just two sources: ignorance and apathy." Then, shaking a finger at a man who was dozing in the front row he said, "Isn't that right. Mister?" The citizen shook himself awake and said, "I DON'T KNOW, AND I don't care either!"
Let me return to the earlier question: What should the Kansas State Historical Society be 100 years from now? There are those in this audience who will say, in honesty and with fervor, that it should be what it has always been: a small, closed corporation whose membership represents only a fraction of the total population of the state. It is to be highly funded, widely respected, and the guardian of a secret treasure whose rich extent is known to only the research scholar; the school child propelled into this fantastic storehouse by his harried teachers, on that great American institution THE ANNUAL FIELD TRIP to the state's capitol; or to the ardent history buff who has traveled hundreds of miles to gaze lovingly on the right thigh bone of the last cavalry horse shot at the Battle of Mine Creek!
In this same audience I expect there is another group. For them the Society should be an organization that keeps growing, expanding, and constantly renewing its membership. That group wants what has become one of the new

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Looking Forward: A Society at Crossroads
buzz words, "outreach." These people are concerned by the fact that so few of our state's citizens are members of the Society. They look at what some other Midwest and Western states have done, namely, Indiana, Illinois, Idaho, Utah, Wisconsin, and Minnesota (for a half dozen examples that I am personally acquainted with) to reach the younger generations and they find the comparisons with Kansas to be a considerable embarrassment. They see the history of our Society as basically one of preservation, and collecting. They are proud of our past. But, they are not happy with our momentary present. Some espouse a new museum for increasing communication with, and the education of, our younger constituents. Possibly, that will help. More probably it will simply be an extension of the same attitudes that have brought us to our present situation.
At this point in our confrontation someone will jump up and assure me that Kansas has just as rewarding a history as the aforementioned states. That certainly is true. It is also true that they are light years ahead of us in just about everything of a program nature except the extent and quality of our holdings, be they manuscripts, newspapers, or artifacts. At this point let me also make a short aside before I come back to my main theme.
My criticisms and evaluations are not directed at any one person, or even at a group of persons in the history of the Society. Some of you may know that I toyed with the idea of titling this address, "The Legacy of our Foundering Fathers." That was really rumored just to keep some past and present officers on their toes, and to make sure they would attend today's meeting! If I have learned anything as an administrator, it is to be suspicious of anyone who blames anyone else for a corporate problem. Life, unfortunately, is not that simple, and the life of any organization of more than two people is not that simple. If we are going to engage in a corporate life, we will have to work with and through corporate responsibility. One of the disadvantages I alluded to earlier is that by working in this field I have a sense of what is possible, and an impatience to see our Society move rapidly to solve current problems.
A quotation from one of the late Loren Ei-seley's works is appropriate. You will recall that Eiseley once taught at the University of
Kansas, and I found his thoughts particularly germane to a discussion of the future of this Society.
In The Night Country, Eiseley quotes from Shakespeare:
It hath been taught us from primal state That he which is, was wished, until he were.'
He then comments, "This is not the voice of the witches. It is the clear voice of a great poet almost four centuries gone, who saw at the dawn of the scientific age what was to be the darkest problem of man: his conception of himself."
So it is with our Society. What we wish we will become. The choice may be noble, or ignoble, but the choice must be made. We must wish, then will, but our wishes must be corporate ones. We cannot continue to serve ourselves, in a pleasant but declining manner. Every historical agency, at whatever level of government, must serve to the future, the feast of the past. In preparing that rich intellectual meal, we are going to have to include some things we may not necessarily enjoy ourselves.
I was reminded of just where we stand in relation to the next 100 years, as I read the profile of Kansas 2000, prepared by the Division of State Planning and Research in 1975. This profile, prepared under the direction of Dr. Herman D. Lujan of the University of Kansas, caused a good deal of discussion when it was released. I was most struck with the projection of a relatively stable population for the next 25 years, with more emphasis on the urban areas of the state as the places which would gain in population by shifting, at the expense of the rural areas.
The impact of that fact of shifting population is that with a stable population, instead of a rapidly rising one, the competition for the available tax dollar will increase between rural and urban areas. If our Society is going to obtain our share of those tax dollars (and you will remember, please, that the state of Kansas supports the work of this Society in greater proportion than does the corporate body of the Society) we are going to have to keep our work important and relevant to the native Kansans of the future. As the next 100 years unfold, most of those Kansans, numerically speaking, will not come from rural backgrounds, and their
I. Loren Eiseley, TV Night CmmUy (New York, Charles Seribner's Sons, 1971). p. 55.

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interests will swing to the Kansas of their grandfathers, namely, the 1940's, 1950's, and 1960's. The urban child of today, in Wichita, Kansas City, Topeka, and Johnson county, will be a voter who can ultimately control whether this Society continues to grow, or is stalemated because it does not gather and present some information beyond pioneer beginnings.
In order to obtain what we want for the growth and betterment of our Society we are going to have to reach out to youth, and we are going to have to bring in more people than we have ever brought into membership in this Society. Only in that way can we broaden our political base of power. In dealing with the future legislatures and the elected officers of the state, it will be a broad base of power that will win or lose the promise of the future, during these next 100 years.
Now, this is the point at which many of you are going to start to fidget. You don't believe that the newest way to do something is possibly the best way. I agree with you. It is true, however, that the institutions which fail to respond to new challenges and new demands are very soon denominated as useless by the society in which they exist. The only way to beat the race against the clock of time is by adaptation, and this is as true of people as it is of historical societies.
In the final analysis no person can beat the clock of life, but by using their enormous creative potential and abilities, the people who are involved in institutions can help those institutions beat that clock, from generation to generation.
So much for setting the stage, and the problem. Let us take a look at how we get from here to there; that very far away there, stretching out over years that most of us will never see. The recommendations which follow have been based on a year-long study of where our present historical society is, and any conclusions are only suggestive. The underlying assumption is that no solution from any one person is as good or as effective, as the flooding of suggestions from intelligent, dedicated people, drawn from all of the Society's constituencies.
By making these recommendations I am aware that some of the things I am suggesting are already on the priority lists of our executive director. He and I have spent quite a bit of time this past year discussing many of these areas.
One of my purposes here is to assist him by giving these items wide circulation, in a format that  is  different  from  what  he  might  use:
•   My first recommendation is that we more precisely define where the Kansas State Historical Society as a corporate entity stops and the state agency begins. To do this will take a review of the existing state legislation and regulations governing the appointment and conduct in office of the executive secretary of the Historical Society as a state officer, and distinct from any function he may perform for or with the corporate entity. It may seem to be a minor point to many in this room today, but it is far from minor when viewed from the position that the Historical Society is run on a day to day basis by a person who is selected, and in effect elected, to his state post by a private corporation. In Kansas, only the agricultural board has a similar situation. Some of the tensions I have observed between the staff of the Society and other parts of the state government may be traced to just so simple and elementary an arrangement.
•   In order to give our membership the greatest possible opportunity for participating in the life of the Society, I believe that the bylaws should be amended so that the board of directors is elected by the membership, and preferably by a mail ballot. Attendance figures over at least the last dozen years bear out the fact that many members of the board of directors do not attend the annual directors' meetings, and their first appointment is virtually for life. The overall effect of that situation is to discourage the younger members from aspiring to places on the board.
•   Similarly, I believe that the executive committee should be elected by the board of directors, instead of being appointed by the Society's presidents. The work of the executive committee is in the name of the board of the corporate body, and there should be a means for change, with full participation by the board of directors.
•   The Society needs to take a long look at both its membership program, and its educational programs. The two touch very directly on the question of how we get our young people, those who will be carrying this organization forward, interested in our work. Student memberships may be an answer; more and better materials provided for school curricu-

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Looking Forward: A Society at Crossroads                                        63
lums may be another part of the answer. Solic: itation for membership in the Society should be continuous. Both a full-time membership secretary, who is charged with promoting memberships in the Kansas State Historical Society, and a full-time educational programs officer, may be part of the ultimate answer to these needs.
•   In our bylaws we invite county and local historical societies to affiliate with us by taking out individual memberships. I believe that a committee of the board of directors, in concert with the executive secretary, should investigate joint memberships with county historical societies, as has been done in some other mid-western states. Ways should also be found to increase the amount of technical assistance which can be available from this Society to county historical societies and their museums.
The success of the pilot project a few years ago which saw a full-time technical advisor going out and helping our county museums, demonstrated the need and worth of such a program.
•   A study needs to be made, by the executive secretary and his staff, and possibly with a committee of the board of directors assisting, to ascertain how to best utilize current personnel in the Society's headquarters, and where more personnel are needed. If more personnel are indeed needed in order to maintain adequate levels of service to our many constituencies, then backing by such a study group would be most helpful as the executive secretary works with the budget division and legislature. I would like to see the techniques of creative problem solving and innovation brought to bear on some of the tasks the staff of the Society is faced with accomplishing. Both techniques will save money, and they can increase the involvement and satisfaction staff members get by participating in their use.
•   We should experiment with at least one membership meeting each year outside of To-peka. Ours is, geographically, a big state, and one of our best advertisements could be direct involvement for people who are unable to journey to Topeka for our single annual meeting.
•   We need to establish an active and permanent oral history program as part of the work of the Society. The value of such programs has long been demonstrated by the suc-
cess other states have had with them. Oral history also provides an excellent means for interesting young people in one phase of the Society's activities. In connection with the museum and audio-visual programs, an active oral history program has continued utility. In other museums some of the most interesting audio presentations have come about because the recorded voice resource was originally obtained from an oral history program.
• For many years the museum function of the Kansas State Historical Society has been one of the most visible parts of the organization. If present trends continue, before too many years pass, we may be relocating our museum into more adequate quarters. Such action is an important step for this Society. To ensure that the end result will be the product of the best thinking available, I would suggest that the executive secretary seriously consider forming two committees, one from the staff of the Society, and one made up of leading museum professionals to assist in designing the new facility. We have a good resource in the Kansas Museum Association, and it should be fully utilized so that the new museum is not merely an architectural statement filled with old problems.
Good museum work is more than preservation, and it is even more than exhibit preparation. The educational benefits of any museum are best realized when its displays present the range and richness of the holdings, whether they be artifacts, pictures, manuscripts, maps, or whatever. To do this means the close involvement of people who are expert in these areas of the Society's holdings. Drawing ideas and innovations from all possible human resources outside the Society's staff will go a long way toward ensuring that the finished museum will truly be a showcase for the best of Kansas' historical heritage.
On a related matter, our Society needs to take a long and realistic look at our historic sites development. Cost effectiveness studies by the state budget division have shown that many are very infrequently visited. The cost of maintaining these properties grows with each year. In order to prevent this chronically worsening situation from continuing, it is time the Society, and the state government, evaluate how best to deal with the situation. It might well be, as has been so in some other states.

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that maintaining historic sites can be done more economically by other agencies than by the historical society. The Society would retain oversight in areas of interpretation and preservation, with maintenance becoming the responsibility of another agency.
•   I would like to see an active awards program become a part of the annual meeting of this Society. Throughout our state there are people who each year make extensive personal contributions to promoting the study, preservation, and dissemination of Kansas history. Such awards would publicize our activities and possibly encourage still more citizen participation in historical activities.
•   One of the great strengths that our Society has is in its fine publications program. That program needs to be strengthened and expanded. A simple way of saying this, is that one of our most successful publications, Kansas: The 34th Star, should never be allowed to
go out of print again! With regular updates it can have a long life as an excellent teaching aid.
I realize that what I have suggested here may cost money. I believe that such funding can be obtained, if a logical program is explained to the legislature and budget division. It will be increasingly important that we document and justify our needs; possibly in ways we have never done before. We have, however, important work to do, and we need to be about it.
I would like to close by sharing with you a Brazilian proverb that has only recently come to my attention. It has considerable import for any corporate activity: "If I dream alone, it is only a dream. If we dream together, it becomes reality." A lot of us have been dreaming alone, and it is time to join in a corporate dream that will move our Society forward in ever widening circles of participation in the study of the history of our state.

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Some Signs of Spring
From the Lamed Chronoscope, April 2, 1880.
And now the voice of the pretty girl over twenty years of age will soon be heard in the land prevaricating with the census taker.
The Editorial waste basket is now daily filled with romantic effusions on Spring by incipient poets. Wc are not in need of kindling wood.        .    •
We have noticed that during the prevalence of the high winds of the past week, a desire for simplicity in hair dressing has taken possession of the fair ones, and hence a notable absence of curls, bangs & puffs! Now we infer from this that hair is high pinned and hair pins a delusion and a snare.
Kansas Pro and Con, Mostly Con
From the Topeka Daily Commonwealth, September 9, 1877, quoting the Philadelphia Record.
The climate of Kansas in one of extreme heat and cold, the thermometer ranging from 100 degrees above to 35 to 40 degrees below zero. It is far from market, and its products, therefore, bring but small reward to producers. Its society is general rude and rough. Its l>est people are Puritanic and the rest Satanic—the one class being as disagreeable as the other is dangerous. The prevailing moral tone of society in Kansas is as low as its winds are high and its winters cold. The wolf, the Indian and the highwayman infest the western section, and over-sharp Yankees and other eastern adventurers its eastern settlements. The state was born of blood and ruffianism and its inhabitants are a cross between New England humbugs and Missouri murderers. Its greatest stateman is Pomeroy and its leading clergyman Kalloch, who had to run away from pious Boston for drinking whisky "skins" with a doubtful woman. Its many cattle have to winter on the bleak prairie, without a tree, a hill or a barn to protect them from the cruel winds that come sweeping down from the Rocky Mountains during five or six months in the year, and when the spring thaw comes their tails drop off. Indeed, very many of the poor brutes freew to death during the long and wretched winters. In summer, the heat is as intense as the cold is in winter. The farmer can raise enough of grain, potatoes, etc., to feed his family in winter, but he cannot indulge extensively in groceries and dry goods. A wagon load of wheat hauled to the nearest town—say a hundred miles off—will buy but a very small stock of store goods. And what show for prosperity is there for a farm laborer in Kansas when the farmer and landholder can maintain but a mere existence?
We advise all poor men, and all who contemplate going
west to better their condition, to give Kansas a wide berth, and go to some land that the Lord has thought fit to smile upon; to choose a region in which they will not freeze in winter nor roast in summer; where they will not be persecuted by one class of people because deemed to be bad, nor murdered by another because thought to be too good; where New England hypocrites and humbugs do not rule one end of the state and highwaymen and horse thieves the other; but where there is a genial climate and a market for what they produce and fair wages for the workingman; where neither the metaphorical nor real wolf will haunt their doors; where at least one tree and one hill can l>e seen on ten thousand acres of land; where the winds do not blow the tires from the wagon wheels, the hair from men's heads, nor the earth from the wheat roots, till they stand out from the ground like blighted radishes in the spring, o      o     o
There are many states in the west and southwest that offer proper inducements to emigrants; many in which the climate is pleasant, the soil generous and the people agreeable. But Kansas is not one of them. Keep away from Kansas. Rather go to Canada or Kamtschatka we had almost said. No matter if Kansas did make a creditable show of cereals and fruits at the centennial. Any state can furnish fine selected specimens of corn-ears and apples. The point is, what are they worth to the producer? What's the difference how fine corn is in a country where the people burn it to run locomotives, and where, in the absence of cheaper fuel, they burn it to keep from freezing and to cook their food—burn a bushel of corn-ears to cook a corn cake, which they have to eat without butter or salt! Talk not to us of emigrating to Kansas. Better die in Philadelphia than live in Kansas; and if Governor Anthony had remained here a week longer he would have come to this conclusion.
"But," said the Commonwealth, "Kansas was not without a defender, right in Philadelphia. 'J- E. McM.' came to time, in the very next issue of the Record and told it that he had lived in Kansas eight years.    .    .    ." He said:
During all this time I experienced less discomfort from the "extreme heat and cold" than I ever did in Philadelphia. In the warmest weather there is always a cool breeze, and, although the winters are severe, they are not more so than in any other prairie country. Certainly the climate is as regular as it is in this locality, o     o      o
I am of the political minority of the "bleeding" state, but never had as much trouble to cast a vote as I have had in this very city.
I could write more in defence, but fear that you will not allow the space. In conclusion, allow me to state that in Kansas, no matter how poor or how ignorant one may be, if he act the man, the doors of the respectable community are open to him. There we know no man by the cut of his coat.

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A commemorative edition of the Eastern Kansas Register, Kansas City, was published in 1977 in observance of the centennial of the Archdiocese of Kansas City. The 120-page illustrated edition has historical articles on the church's 100 years in eastern Kansas, including early missions, development of parishes, educational activities, lay involvement, growth of ethnic churches, role of priests and missionaries, and establishment of hospitals and other institutions.
The Ames House, built in 1870 in Wamego, had the first bathtub in Kansas according to a history of the hotel, by Barbara Burgess, in the Wamego Times, September 1, 1977. Inside plumbing and running water were luxuries found in few Kansas houses in the 1870's. The Ames House, built by John and Nellie Ames and open to boarders from 1871 to 1927, was torn down in 1937.
September 18, 1977, the United Methodist church in Madison celebrated its centennial. An article on the church's history was in the Madison News, September 1, 1977. According to the article, the Methodist Protestant church was organized in 1874. The Methodist Episcopal church, started in 1877, was the first of Madison's two Methodist churches to erect a building. The churches united in 1939.
St. Mary's Catholic church in Hartford observed its centennial September 4, 1977. A full page of pictures and a historical article by Daryl Webb on the church appeared in the Emporia Gazette, September 3, 1977. The church was founded in 1877 with the construction of what is now a parish hall south of the present building.
A column of reminiscences on Johnson county Old Settlers' reunions, written by W. Edgar Moore, was in the Olathe Daily News, September 7, 1977. The first reunion was held in 1898. A picnic in the courthouse square was the chief attraction at first, but later other entertainment and activities were added.
A description of the dedication in 1877 of the
John Brown monument in Osawatomie appeared in the Osawatomie Graphic-News, September 8, 1977. The monument was planned to commemorate the men killed in the battle of Osawatomie, fought in 1856, and was erected in the cemetery where they are buried.
Southeast Kansas in 1861 was the subject of a column by Wayne A. O'Connell in the Al-tamont Journal, September 8, 1977. The article was one of a series, "Random Samplings From the Timetable of Labette County." Another in the series, printed in the Oswego Independent-Observer, September 29, covered the close of the Civil War in 1865 and the coming of settlers to land ceded by the Osage Indians to the United States in present Labette and Neosho counties. The founding of Parsons and railroad-building rivalries in 1870 in Labette county were the suhjeets of the column in the Altamont Journal, November 17. According to the article, 1870 was the most exciting year in the county's history.
A history of the Reason Inskeep family in the Cawker City Ledger, September 8, 1977, traces the family back to John Inskeep, born in 1677 in England. Reason, born in 1863 in Ohio, married Rebecca Sharp in 1888. The family moved to Cawker City in 1910.
Wichita's 10th national landmark is a two-story, red-brick structure that was formerly a black Masonic lodge. An article by Bob Curt-right in the Wichita Beacon, September 9, 1977, gives some of the history of the building which was a gathering place for turn-of-the-century black residents for everything from business meetings to coffee klatches.
A history of St. Rose of Lima church. Great Bend, was in the Great Bend Tribune, September 11, 1977. The church celebrated its centennial September 18, 1977. The first church building, a small frame structure opened in 1878, was named after St. Rose of Lima, the first person in the western hemisphere to be canonized.
Bethel church, Neosho county, which ob-

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served its centennial September 25, 1977, was the subject of a historical article in the Erie Record, September 15, 1977. Work started on the original building in 1877 and it was dedicated the following year. When this building was destroyed by a tornado in 1948, church members purchased the brick Pleasant Ridge school.
A short history of the Alma United Methodist church was in the Alma Signal-Enterprise, September 15, 1977. The church received its charter and purchased a parsonage in 1877. In 1878 the building was erected and dedicated.
Kimberlin family history going back to the 1700's is the subject of an article by Patty Moore in the Atchison Daily Globe, September 18, 1977. The writer researched the story on the Kimberlin family tree after visiting Kimberlin Cemetery northeast of Everest where Missouri Kimberlin, wife of John Kimberlin, born in 1807 and died in 1860, is buried.
Stony Point Christian church in the Kansas City area observed its centennial September 18, 1977. An article on the church's history and present programs was in Wyandotte West, Kansas City, September 18, 1977. Illustrations included pictures of the one-room original building erected in 1877 and the present structure built in 1961.
"Home on the Range," the official Kansas state song, was written by Dr. Brewster Higley in 1873. Higley's cabin still is preserved in northern Smith county and attracts about 3,000 visitors a year. An article about the song and controversies concerning its origin was in the Hays Daily News, September 25, 1977.
History of the Otoe Indians was the theme of a meeting of the Cage county, Nebraska, and Marshall county historical societies, September 25, 1977, at Barneston, Neb. Principal speaker was Richard Jensen, curator for the Nebraska State Historical Society, Lincoln. Highlights of talks by him and others at the meeting were included in an article in the Marysville Advocate, September 29, 1977.
Mrs. Mary Ihloft celebrated her 100th birthday October 5, 1977, in Dighton where she lives with her daughter and son-in-law. Her family came to Kansas from Minnesota in 1880. She remembers her father riding a horse
in the opening of the Cherokee strip in 1893. An article on her life was in the Jetmore Republican, September 29, 1977.
A series of articles on the history of Delia in the St. Marys Star and Valley Hoi started in the September 29, 1977, issue. Written by Kevin Kerwin, the series was a research project for a high school Kansas history class. The first article traced the history of the area beginning with the earliest settlers and growth of the community after it was chartered in 1905. An account of the town's schools was in the October 27, 1977, issue, and a history of community churches appeared November  10, 1977.
A map showing location of the last Indian battle in Phillips county was published in the Phillips County Review, Phillipsburg, September 29, 1977. The accompanying article gives an account of the battle as it has been researched by Cecil Kingery, local history buff, Kingery conducted a tour of the area for members of the High Plains Preservation of History Commission.
The Brand Book, October, 1976, published by the English Westerners' Society, London, reprinted an article by Bvt. Col. L. A. Carpenter, a career army officer who served on the Kansas frontier after the Civil War. Carpenter's article on his rescue of Forsyths' scouts when they were surrounded by Indians at Beecher's Island first appeared in The Journal of the Military Service Institution of the United States, September, 1895. An introduction and footnotes were written by Barry C. Johnson.
Jennie Seelye Gish, 104 years of age, remembers riding in buggies, molding tallow candles, and storing food in the cellar, but she wouldn't go back to the "good old days." Her children attended school with the Eisenhower boys in Abilene. An article about Mrs. Gish was in the Abilene Reflector-Chronicle, October 5, 1977.
Eugene Volney Wharton was the first doctor in Yates Center. Born in 1847 in Buchanan county, Missouri, he came to Kansas with his family in 1858. His medical training was at the Cincinnati Electric Medical College. He settled in Yates Center after it became the county seat of Woodson county in 1875. An article about Dr. Wharton was in the Yates Center News, October 6, 1977.

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The Reformed Presbyterian church, oldest church on the townsite of Sterling which is still in existence, celebrated its centennial October 7, 1977. An article by Max Moxley in the Sterling Bulletin, October 6, 1977, traced the history of the church as it grew with the town. The congregation had 14 members when the church was organized in 1877. In 1880 the congregation moved into its first building.
Six Wyandotte county landmarks listed on the National Register of Historic Places were featured in the second of a series of articles on landmark tours in the Kansas City (Mo.) Star, October 10, 1977. The series, which began October 3, 1977, was written by Darryl W. Levings who visited 42 area sites and compiled a history of the landmarks in a seven-county region around Kansas City. The historic places included in the Wyandotte county tour and Huron Cemetery, White Feather spring, Grinter House, St. Augustine Hall, Westheight Manor district, and the Rosedale Memorial Arch.
Augusta was named for the wife of the first mayor, C. N. James, who purchased the land which was to become the townsite for $40. These and other highlights of Augusta history were in an article in the Benton Banner, October 12, 1977. The article was researched by Burl Allison, an officer of the Augusta Historical Museum.
The family of John Schilling, Brown county pioneer, businessman, and politician, settled in a log cabin just south of Hiawatha in 1857. Schilling later built a beautiful country home to which he retired in 1892. The home was razed in October, 1977, to make way for new US-36 highway. An article about the Schilling family and home was in the Hiawatha Daily World, October 12, 1977.
The Williamsburg area in Franklin county was the subject of a three-part series of historical articles by Don Lambert in the Ottawa Herald, beginning with the October 17, 1977, issue. The first article is on Silkville, one-time communal colony that produced some of the world's finest silks. It was founded by a French nobleman, Ernest Valeton de Boissiere, in 1869.
Big Creek United Methodist church had its
beginnings in 1869 when a minister from Humboldt conducted a four-day camp meeting in the Big Creek community east of Chanute. On October 23, 1977, the church observed the 100th anniversary of obtaining its charter. A history of the church was in the Humboldt Union, October 19, and Chanute Tribune, October 21, 1977.
Mrs. Hannah Rosebrook, who has been the Fairview correspondent and columnist for the Lakin Independent for nearly a half century, celebrated her 102d birthday Octo!>er 23, 1977. She and her husband homesteaded in the Fairview area, and she remembers hail storms, droughts, dust storms, grasshoppers, and prairie fires. An article about Mrs. Rosebrook was in the Independent, October 20, 1977.
Lou Ann Rayn, a member of Friends of Crinter, is the author of a feature article on the Grinter Ferry in the "Heritage" supplement to Wyandotte West, Kansas City, October 20, 1977. The ferry crossing operated by Moses Grinter in Wyandotte county was the first ferry established on the Kansas river according to the writer who interviewed Jack Cromwell, curator of Grinter Place, a historic site administered by the Kansas State Historical Society.
On October 30, 1977, Roxbury United Parish observed the centennial of its founding as a Presbyterian church in 1877. On two occasions fire destroyed some church records so early history of the church is sketchy. Methodist and Presbyterian congregations merged in 1975 to form the united parish. A history of the church was in the Salina Journal, October 23, and the Gypsum Advocate, October 27, 1977.
In his "Museum Footnotes" column in the October 24, 1977, Winfield Daily Courier, Roland Mueller told some of the early history of Winfield State Hospital as gleaned from hospital archival materials that had been lent to the Cowley County Historical Society for copying. The Kansas State Asylum for Idiotic and Imbecile Youth, first established at Lawrence by an act of the legislature in 1881, was moved to Winfield in 1887.
Brougham Hanway built a limestone house south of Lane after the Civil War. The house, which is being restored by its present owners, is of historical interest because of a connection with the earlier massacre by John Brown of

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several Proslavery men along the Pottawatomie river. An article about the house was in the Ottawa Herald, October 25, 1977.
Samuel Wesley Tilley's parents came from Canada to settle in Marshall county in 1869. Tilley developed a purebred Hereford business and sheltered his prize-winning stock in a huge barn which stands weathered and empty now. A story about Tilley and the majestic barn was in the Marysville Advocate, October 27, 1977.
Charles Bosworth came to Franklin county from Ohio in 1869 and built up a self-sufficient farm and ranch of 3,000 acres with 300 head of Hereford cattle. In 1901 at the age of 77 he sold the farm to J. A. Poindexter. An article and photographs of the Bosworth ranch were in the Ottawa Herald, October 27, 1977.
Sterling United Presbyterian church, which had its beginnings in a pioneer one-room school northeast of Sterling in 1877, observed its 100th anniversary November 2, 1977. The present church is the result of a merger of two earlier United Presbyterian congregations, one of which was the "college church" which held services on the campus of Sterling College. An article by Max Moxley about the church's history was in the Sterling Bulletin, October 27, 1977.
Many Kansas counties are named for presidents, Indian tribes, and famous citizens. Pratt county ,is named for Caleb Pratt, a second lieutenant in the Civil War. After a long search, Charlie Pratt (no relation), retired Pratt businessman, found a picture of Caleb Pratt at the Kansas State Historical Society. Articles on Charlie Pratt's search and the information he found on the obscure Caleb Pratt were in the Pratt Tribune, October 28, and the Topeka Sunday Capital-Journal,  November 6,  1977.
In 1877 the Catholic Diocese of Leavenworth was established. In 1947 the see was transferred to Kansas City and later the diocese was elevated to an archdiocese. In observance of the centennial of the archdiocese, an article on its history appeared in the Leavenworth Times, October 28, 1977.
The Old Stone Corral in present Rice county, once a stopping place on the Santa Fe trail, is just marked by a sign now, but the Stone Corral,
Post Office, an early day farm house still stands. An article and pictures about the historic site were in the Lyons Daily News, November 3, 1977.
There is a legend about a big Indian battle at Twin Mounds south of the old Bigelow town-site in Marshall county. The legend and how it grew is the subject of a two-part feature by Oretha Ruetti in the Marysville Advocate beginning in the issue of November 3, 1977.
During the 20 years that Wamego served as the railroad division headquarters there were at least six hotels and several boarding houses that served the railroad passengers and workers. According to an article by Barbara Burgess in the Wamego Times, November 3,
1977, the town's hotel and boarding house business declined after the railroad division headquarters were moved out of Wamego in
The John Schyler native-stone home in Hays is being restored by its present owners, Mr. and Mrs. Pete Storm. Buffalo hunter, farmer, sheriff, postmaster, and politician, Schyler came to Hays in 1869 and later worked for the establishment of a college and experiment station there. An article about the historic home and its builder was in the Ellis County Star, Hays, November 3, 1977.
Avery Washburn, one of Topeka's earliest residents, built the first portion of his farm house in the 1860's. During his lifetime the city only bordered his farm land. Now his home after several remodelings is on a busy street in central Topeka. The story of the house and its owners through the years was told by George Mack in his "Historic Homes" series in the Topeka Sunday Capital-Journal, November 6, 1977.
First organized by German Methodists in 1877, the Basehor United Methodist church was originally called Zion's Kirche. It was first located north of town, but in 1899 was moved to its present location. The church celebrated the 100th anniversary of its founding November 13, 1977. A history of the church was in the Tonganoxie Mirror, November 9, and Leavenworth Times, November 11, 1977.
Mrs. Matilda C. Coons, oldest resident of Kearny county, observed her  100th birthday

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November 13, 1977. She and her first husband came to Kearny county in May, 1908, settling on a claim 18 miles south of Lakin. Their farm included the site of the Sunken Wells, a watering hole for many herds of cattle which passed that way on the trail through the sandhills. An article on Mrs. Coons was in the Lakin Independent, November 10, 1977.
An 1862 treaty with the Ottawa Indians gave 20,000 acres of land for the building of a school later to become Ottawa University. One provision of the treaty was that the Ottawa and their descendants would have the right to an education at the school. Dennis Scott, OU senior, is the third Ottawa Indian to take advantage of the treaty provision. An article on his research and efforts to help his people was in the Ottawa Herald, November 10, 1977.
The first trading expedition by William Becknell from Boone's Lick, Mo., to Santa Fe, N. M., was the subject of a column by R. H. Windbigler for the Olathe Historical Society in the Olathe Daily News, November 11, 1977. Becknell's party made the trip on the Santa Fe trail in the fall and winter of 1821-1822.
More than 100 railroad workers lost their lives between Fort Harker and Fort Hays when the Union Pacific was being built across Kansas lands disputed by Kiowa and Cheyenne Indians. The railroad fenced a small cemetery at Victoria where six or eight track laborers are buried, the victims of a Cheyenne Indian raid. An article in the Salina Journal, November 13, 1977, tells the story of the massacre which was researched by John Hoyne, president of the Saline County Historical Society.
Vilas, population 22, in Wilson county, is typical of small communities now fading from the American scene. A history of the once thriving small town was in the Independence Daily Reporter, November 13, 1977. The feature article quotes Oscar Larson, lifetime resident and local historian, and the records of Bethel Evangelical Lutheran church which was organized in the community in 1872.
George Trout and Louis B. Leach were partners in the Iron Clad Store started in Wa-mego in 1867. Enterprising businessmen, they branched out into other activities in addition to their store, selling hardware and agricultural implements. The story of the business as it
grew with the town is told in an article in a series on Wamego history by Barbara Burgess in the Wamego Times, November  17,  1977.
Because of the large immigration of families of the same names to Ellis county in the early years of settlement of Germans from the Volga region of Russia, many individuals had not only the same last name but the same first name as well. John A. Dinkel, 87, of Victoria compiled a list of 233 nicknames used to distinguish persons of similar names at Herzog, the original German town now part of Victoria. The names are listed in an article in the Ellis County Star, Hays, November 17, 1977.
Historic landmarks in Leavenworth were featured in the "Sojourn Into History" column in the Kansas City (Mo.) Star, November 28, 1977. The column was the eighth of the series of landmark tours written by Daryl W. Lev-ings. Sidelights of history are given for such landmarks as Fort Leavenworth, the Fred Harvey home, and the home of jurist David Brewer.
"Buffalo Survival a Near Miracle" is the title of an article by Paul C. McGrew in The Pacific Northwestemer, Spokane, Winter, 1978. In the three-year period, 1871-1873, 6,300,000 buffalo were killed in western Kansas and Texas. In 1874 Arthur C. Bell delivered buffalo bones to the railroad in Dodge City, receiving $7 to $9 a ton, f. o. b., for them.
The January, 1978, issue of Journal of the West, Manhattan, has articles on Kansas courthouses, the state penitentiary, and Populist-endorsed judges. Charles L. Hall, associate professor of architecture at Kansas State University, is the author of "The Kansas Courthouses by George P. Washburn, Architect." The article on the penitentiary, "Kate Barnard and the Kansas Penitentiary Scandal, 1908-1909," was written by Harvey R. Hougen. From 1893 to 1902, eight Populist-endorsed state supreme court judges ruled on issues "crucial to the welfare of the laboring man," according to the article, "Populist-Endorsed Judges and the Protection of Western Labor" by R. Douglas Hurt.
The Missouri Historical Society Bulletin, St. Louis, January, 1978, has an article on "Alfred Montgomery: Itinerant Midwestern Artist, 1857-1922" by Henry W. and Jean Tyree Ham-

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ilton. Montgomery was the first teacher of drawing in public schools in Topeka. The school system there was the first in the state to include drawing in its regular course of study. He was employed for the term of 1888-1889.
Four public halls were built in Leavenworth in 1855-1860. At one, Stockton Hall, Abraham Lincoln delivered an address on December 3, 1858. A story about the halls which were used for social and political activities was in the Heritage supplement of the Lansing Leader, January 19, 1978.
Margaret Landis has compiled The Cemeteries of Wyandotte County, a 77-page research project completed in October, 1976, and presented in "The History and Culture of Wyandotte County" program at Kansas City, Kansas, Community College. According to the author there are 37 known tracts of land in use for cemeteries in the county. The compilation includes cemeteries that have been platted and recorded in the register of deeds office, unrecorded cemeteries, and any others known at one time as cemeteries but where no visible signs are now found.
The late Algot Anderson compiled Potwin United Presbyterian Church History Outline, 1889-1976, a 28-page pamphlet printed in September, 1976. The Potwin church in Topeka had its beginnings as the First Cumberland Presbyterian church. In 1906 when the Cumberland church was reunited with the Presbyterian Church, U. S. A., the name of the Topeka church was changed to Potwin Presbyterian church.
Fred and Ida, Their Hoots and Branches, compiled in 1976-1977 by Wilda L. Eickmann Novotny, is the story of Fred and Ida Eickmann, paternal grandparents of the author. The 74-page book includes family history in narrative form as well as in pedigree charts and is illustrated with photographs. The Eickmanns settled in Republic county in 1886.
Rogers House Museum-Gallery in Ellsworth, published in 1977 a 36-page paper-bound book of sketches. Country Neighbor. The drawings are caricatures of the artist's "friends, enemies, and acquaintances." Charles B. Rogers is the author-artist whose studio is in an old cowboy hotel, built of native sandstone in the early 1870's.
A 17-page pamphlet. United Methodist Church, Alma, Kansas, 1877-1977, was published in connection with the church's centennial observance in September, 1977. It includes, in addition to brief histories of the church and its organizations, a list of musicians and ministers, and programs from the services of dedication September 18, 1977.
Cheyenne United Methodist Centennial, 1877 to 1977 is a five-page mimeographed pamphlet recently issued in connection with the church's 100th anniversary. The church traces its beginnings to the Kansas West Conference of the United Brethren in Christ's Russell Mission in Russell county in 1877. The first church building was sod, located southeast of Cheyenne cemetery where services were held in 1884-1885.
Many black and white photographs are interspersed with the text of Arrington Heights by Linda Mae Krogman Curtis. The 132-page paperbound book was published by the author in 1977. On the cover is a picture of Ransom A. VanWinkle who founded the town 122 years ago. Arrington, in Atchison county, today has a population of 41.
John C. Stephenson has written a personal history, Downs, the First One Hundred Years, which includes some family history, items from newspaper clippings, and other historical material. He wrote in the foreword that not all of the material was concerned immediately with Downs, but dealt "with places and people of interest to our citizens and adjacent neighbors." The 128-page paperbound book was published by the Osbome County Farmer, Osborne, in 1977.
The First United Presbyterian church at Wichita recently issued two pamphlets relating to the centennial of the laying of the original church's cornerstone July 4, 1876. One pamphlet, Church Related Documents, contains copies of some of the contents of the metal box placed in the cornerstone. The other pamphlet. The Centennial Mail, contains copies of letters which were to be delivered when the box was opened on July 4, 1976. The box was found to be in poor condition when the church was razed in 1910, and the contents were placed in a copper box and put in the cornerstone of the present building.

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Nickerson United Methodist church celebrated its centennial October 15 and 16, 1977. A 28-page pamphlet, Nickerson United Methodist Church, is illustrated with many black and white photographs and was compiled by a history committee which incorporated into its account information from many sources including official records and oral tradition.
The United Methodist church of Madison published a 10-page pamphlet in 1977 which recorded some of the church's history in connection with its centennial observance September 18, 1977. The brief history, 100th Anniversary of the United Methodist Church, Madison, Kansas, 1977, begins with the Methodist Protestant church organized in 1874, four years before the present townsite of Madison was located.
The Centennial, 1877-1977, United Presbyterian Church, Roxbury, Kansas is a six-page pamphlet compiled in connection with the church's observance of its 100th anniversary October 30, 1977. The compilers note that since church records were twice destroyed by fire, the history is not complete and may not be "entirely accurate." The present church is a union church of Methodist and Presbyterian churches which have separate governing bodies.
Silver Lake United Methodist Church, 1877-1977, is a 20-page pamphlet which includes the program of the church's centennial celebration service held May 15, 1977. In addition to a history of the church illustrated with black and white photographs, the publication includes a list of current local and nonresident members.
Great Bend Catholics observed the 100th anniversary of St. Rose of Lima church with the recent publication of The Centennial of St. Hose of Lima Church. A 56-page pamphlet, this history notes that Father Boniface, a Benedictine, ministered to Catholic soldiers at Fort Zarah as early as 1865. In 1878 the first Catholic church was built at Great Bend under the direction of Fr. Felix P. Swenbergh.
A handsome pictorial volume, Prairie Portrait . . . the Kansas That Was and Is, was published in 1977 by the Wichita Eagle and Beacon Publishing Co., Inc. Forrest Hintz,
reporter with pencil, and John Avery, reporter with camera, have recorded in this 156-page book a portion of the "rural Heartland" known as Kansas. Some of the vignettes included in the book originally appeared in the Wichita newspapers. The photographs are all black and white, an art form sometimes more effective than color.
A chapter on the treaty of Medicine Lodge, negotiated in southern Kansas in 1867 between Indians of the Southern Plains and U. S. government representatives, is included in the history, United States-Comanche Relations, the Reservation Years. The 336-page book by William T. Hagan was published in 1976 by Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. According to the preface, "to trace the ordeal of the Comanches in the reservation years is to get a feeling for what United States policy meant for all Indians."
Marguerite Esther Smith and Mildred Smith Stubblefield are coauthors of Pioneer Heritage, the Smith Family, the story of a pioneer Kansas family that traces its history back to the Mayflower. Published by Vantage Press, Inc., New York, in 1977, the book is also illustrated with drawings by the authors. Marguerite Smith now lives in Topeka and her sister, Mildred Stubblefield, makes her home with her family in Kansas City, Kan.
The Prairie People, Continuity and Change in Potawatomi Indian Culture 1665-1965 by James A. Clifton was published by Regents Press of Kansas, Lawrence, in 1977. This 529-page book contains photographs, maps, a discussion of the phonology and basic structure of the Potawatomi language, glossary of Potawatomi terms, comprehensive notes, bibliography, and an index. The author focuses his study of one Indian tribe's adaptations to 300 years of change, specifically on the Prairie Band of Potawatomi, today located near Topeka.
Frederick Jackson Turner's The Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin has been reprinted by the University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. David Henry Miller and William W. Savage, Jr., edited the new edition and wrote the 27-page introduction. The 1977 reprint is from the 1891 edition which was published by Johns Hopkins University. Q

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Here for your approval—we hope—is the first issue of Kansas History, a Journal of the Central Plains, which replaces The Kansas Historical Quarterly. The cover has been redesigned, front and back, inside and outside, and a new title page appears as you open the front
DOROTHY ROSE BLUMBERG was born In Baltimore, Md. Her degrees are: B.A. (English) from Goucher College, Baltimore; and M.A. (history) from Columbia University, New York. She has written Florence Kelley, the Making of a Social Pioneer (1966) and Whose What? From Aaron's Beard lo Zom's Lemma (1969; paperback, 1973). Her article derives from current research for her projected biography, "Less Corn, More Hell," The Life and Times of Mary Elizabeth l^ase. She has been a contributor to: Encyclopedia of Social Work, Encyclopedia of American Biography, and The People's Almanac.
A native Kansan, KENNETH WlCCINS PORTER was born near Sterling. He has degrees from Sterling College (B.A.), University of Minnesota (M.A.), Minneapolis, and Harvard (Ph.D.), Cambridge, Mass. While on the research staff of Harvard's business history department he wrote John Jacob Astor: Business Man (1931) and The Jacksons and the Lees: Two Generations of Massachusetts Merchants, 1765-1844 (1937). He has taught at several universities including the University of Oregon, Eugene, where he is now professor emeritus. He is currently working on three book-length manuscripts about Negroes and Indians in the American West. Dr. Porter is also the author of several volumes of verse.
Philip B. Rutherford is a native of Box-ton, Tex. He has B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. degrees from East Texas State University, Commerce. Presently a professor in the English depart-
cover. Inside, the text is in two columns for easy reading, and the larger pages lend themselves well to the use of illustrations. We hope you enjoy it, and we welcome your comments.—THE Editors.
ment at the University of Maine, Portland-Corham, he has written a number of articles in the area of onomastics. He has published two books: Bibliography of American Doctoral Dissertations in Linguistics: 1900-/964(1968), and The Dictionary of Maine Place Names (1971). His article, "The Arabia Incident," is the result of his interest in collecting American firearms.
PAUL D. Travis, was born in Wichita. He has B.A. and M.A. degrees from Wichita State University and a Ph.D. in history from the University of Oklahoma, Norman. Presently he is an assistant professor of history at Oklahoma Baptist University, Shawnee. His publications include articles in The Chronicles of Oklahoma, Oklahoma City, and other periodicals. He is currently editing for publication the diaries of William Shawnee, a school teacher in the Indian territory.
JOHN E. WiCKMAN, director of the Eisenhower Center at Abilene, gave the presidential address, "Looking Ahead: A Society at the Crossroads," at the Historical Society's 102d annual meeting October 18, 1977, in Topeka. A native of Illinois, with a Ph.D. degree from Indiana University, Bloomington, Dr. Wick-man has taught history at several colleges and universities including Purdue, Ft. Wayne, Ind. He served as personal assistant to Gov. John Anderson, Jr., in 1964 and 1965. Currently he is on the board of directors of the Advisory Board for Archival Affairs, Begion 6, Kansas City, Mo.

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