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A history of the National Army of Rescue

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Author of Political Economy and Science in Government.
Liberty! the priceless boon for which nations have struggled, peoples have bled, this earth of ours been made the scene of countless conflicts, intense convulsions and terrible wars—liberty is again imperiled through the illegal rule of faction, monopoly and privilege under the machinery of our government.
It has long been the opinion of the writer hereof that it is not a necessary condition that "eternal vigi-lence"—continual jeopardy—must ever remain the price of liberty, but that government may be so constituted that it shall become safe and lasting as the earth—as long as man may remain an inhabitant thereof, or until it shall become a cold -md dead world.
To the friends of liberty evervwhere, to the toiling masses—to the laborers of our nation—who instinctively feel that something is wrong, that something ought, should and must be done, this little work is presented fly the author.

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Men and things in this world are not always what they appear, but are often as they appear not. So general is this truth that it has been said that language was invented to conceal the true intents and purposes of the human heart. It will be one of the-objects of the writer to unveil as far as may be the "intents and purposes" of the chief actors and movers in our social, civil and political life, to take the reader behind the scenes, as it were, and to enable him to see things as they really are, not as they seem
to be.
The words democracy,  republicanism and anarchism have double meanings.   Pure democracy or the true etymologic meaning of the word, is a state or so-' ciety in which the citizens or people thereof meet at stated times, take  counsel together,  and administer their government in person, not by proxy or represen-* tation.   Such  a principle or form of government is applicable only to a limited area or small extent of country.   Such were some of the ancient domocracies or small republics of Greece.   Republicanism is also a government of the people, but representative or by proxy in character, consequently may be exercised over an unlimited extent or area of country.   Such is our form of government—a Republic or representative
democracy. Anarchism is a state or condition of society in which
there are no chiefs; or in other words, a state without
magistracy,   all being a law unto themselves.   The
popular, the accepted meaning of those words, the
one generally understood, is that democracy is a form

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of government, or, in our case, a party in our society with a set of political principles; lepublicanism is a party with another set of political principles, while the term anarchism is generally supposed to mean lawlessness, chaos, or confusion, in any realm whatever.
It will be my purpose in the present narrative, unless otherwise stated, to use those words or terms in their popular or accepted meanings.
To me, in common with many of my countrymen, the event of the 4th of May, 1886, otherwise known as the Haymarket riot of Chicago, was vague and undefined. A riot had occurred; a number of policemen had been killed; apparently a conflict between labor and capital. Arrests were made, and somewhere there appeared murderous intentiocs, and resistance to lawful and constituted authority. In time, trials dragged their weary length along; facts in regard to the circumstances became known, and the "true inwardness" and merits of the case were made more fully apparent; but not until the execution was accomplished did the enormity of the crime against justice fully reveal itself to the public gaze.
I will not reiterate the facts in the case but simplest ite in the language of Judge Gary regarding it: uThe case is unprecedented; there is no example of any such crime, no precedent of any case like this having ever been the subject of judicial investigaton." The charge to the jury had not been to find them guilty, if by the evidence it was shown that they had anything to do with the throwing of the bomb, but if by their speech or advice others may have thrown it. The judge even conceded that the thrower thereof was

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unknown. Thus was an infraction, a palpable violation of the constitution committed—of that clause of the constitution which declares that th* "freedom of speech or of the press shall not he abridged." Do the privileged classes, the factions in control of the machinery or! the government, think they can intimidate the people? suppress talking, speech-making or writing in agitation of their rights, even if some of those speeches were not advisory of proper means for the rectifying of political and social evils? In what does the liberty of the people consist, if not in a discussion of any or all means for such rectification?
Even now political writers are talking about a ;<dying nation," the ''death of American liberty," etc., and if this case is allowed to proceed to its full ending such a consummation will be accomplished. The dead, cannot be helped, their blood has been shed, as it were, for the regeneration of our political society, but the living, incarcerated in an American Bastile, ere . they pine and die, can be rescued, peaceably if it can, forcibly, it if must, and why? It may have been wrong for those men, and I say it was wrong to advocate or use forcible resistance to illegal Uws and regulations, because they, in common with other citizens, had delegated to their agents or servants, the law-makers and executives thereof, portions of their sovereignty, and given them instructions how, when and where to use or administer it; if the agents transcend those instructions and use means not authorized, then have the citizens the right to use the same means in self-defense; for self-defense has been said to be the first law of nature, consequently what may not have been lawful or

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right in the first instance becomes right in defense.
Such were' the reflections unavoidably indulged in upon the consummation of that terrible tragedy—such the circumstances which led to the series of event-* in which the organization of the so-called "Army of Rescue" was but a link.
Having long been convinced that the people were being bound hand and foot under a most relentless despotism, unprecedented almost in the history of any nation of which we have any record, the consummation of that deed on the 11th of Nov. '87, was to me and to many, the occasion of rejoicing, in vie-v of the fact that bv that act, the privileged classes had "put their foot into it"—the capitalists, the monopolists, etc , those being the classes principally for which that act of intimidation wras committed. It brought to my mind the fable of the wolf and the lamb who came to the same stream to quench their thirst; the wolf viewing the lamb with a rapacious eye, and thinking he would make a nice meal, but nevertheless must have a pretext in order to retain respectability in Jiis wolfish society, got on the up side of the stream and began muddying the water, then charged it to the lamb; whereupon the innocent lamb replied, bow can that be, seeing that the current runs from you to me? The wolf replied, you are an insolent little lamb and I will devour you any -&ay and thereupon gobbled up the lamb without any more ceremony.
But how, when or where could this event be made to operate to the benefit of the rights of the people? That was tLe question. I was convinced in my own mind that properly operated it might be made to con-

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duce to the opening of the "good time coming," the "jubilee of jubilees,1' the "Golden Age" of which poets have sung and for which the good and true of all ages have sighed. That such may be possible to be attained certain conditions must first be practicalized; with these conditions it may exist, without them it cannot; and as they are intimately inter-woven in the events of this narrative I will briefly state tliem, so that the reader can see in their after delineation their applicability.
First, the abolition of metal money.   Second,   the
abolition of paternalism in government. Third, the abolition of the indissolubilitv of the marriage reia-tion. Fourth, in the private or social relations of the people the abolition of an arrogant, fraudulent and irresponsible priesthood.
In the fall of 1887 many of the people in my neighborhood, Dentonia, Jewell county, Kas., became disgusted with the two old parties, and some time in the winter met to consider the situation. I had had sev-eraKxmversations with the man who afterwards became President of the Dentonia Union Labor Club. We agreed in our estimation of the ettorniitv of the crime against justice in the execution of the Chicago Anarchists, but he thought that the popular prejudice against them was such that he and I alone would be all that would be willing to make an issue upon that judicial outrage. I thought we c^uld at least try to make an issue, and when the meeting was called the great majority was found to be in favor of uniting with some labor party already organized instead of forming another party or making  an independent issue.    At a

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subsequent meeting the Dentonia Union Labor Club was formed consisting of some twenty or more members.
Meeting an acquaintance from an adjoining township about this time he asked me what the people of my township were trying to do. I answered that they had formed a Union Labor Club to operate against the monopolists and money power. He thought it would be of no use; the monopolists were so strongly intrenched, that only by the power of the sword or bullet, could they be compelled to let go their hold upon
the people.
Others also expressed themselves that it was absolutely impossible to accomplish anything for the alleviation of the condition of the people, so complete was the control of legislation by the money power— so strong was their influence in the government as to block the people at whatever point they might attempt a rectification of their wrongs.
I will relate an incident which occurred to me personally about this time. One evening after I had done my usual work and was conterrplating the condition of things—the wretched condition of society under the present regime, myself as well as the vast majority of the producing classes, being in a box, as it were, and apparently hopelessly so, I resolved to take advantage of this barbarous act of the legal authorities of the land, and, using the right of self-defense, make a show at least of resistance. It could do no harm; it might do good, in arousing public sentiment to make men consider whither they are drifting, when all at once, the inspiration siezed me, and under that beauti-

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ful star lit sky, when all around was calm, I recorded a vow before high heaven that those men should be free or that I would bite the dust; when lo! from the Great Eternal came the answering echo, in a still small voice, "behold thou shalt succeed, and shalt prevail, and the Potential Energy of the Universe shall be thy pretecting arm, thy guide and thy defense."
"What wonder then that afterwards, when all was confusion around, when a portion of my little company, by treachery, was thrown into a complete panic, \shen fear of the furv of the mob at Mankato, as also-a fear of arrest by the officers of the law was upon them, with me all was peace and calmness; the greater the storm without, the more quiet the peace within.
Shortly afterward I wrote out a plan of an organization for a National Army of Rescue, but in endeavoring to obtain signatures thereto, some difficulty was experienced.   None objected to the object, but some were fearful lest it might be termed treasonable, and lest they might lay themselves liable to the law.   I explained to them what real treason was; that it was the act of making war against, or giving of aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States.   This was only a feint, a pretense; nothing actual was contemplated, but merely to arouse   public sentiment. One difficulty was to get some to sign first, as several offered to sign after others had signed.   At last some signed with the understanding that their nanies were not to be published, which I agreed not to do, unless with their consent.   Others soon followed to the number of eight, though one a few days after he signed

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requested his name erased, which I immediately did. The last two signed also with the understanding that their names were not to be published, also that with thoir signatures it would make sufficient for the purpose.
I then ceased soliciting subscribers thereto, and it being about time to commence spring work on my farm,, my time was occupied in attending to that.
It was my intention to publish the Plan of Organization, and,as I had time in the evenings or otherwise, I opened up a correspondence with some papers for that purpose. It was my intention to send the names for publication of those only who had given their consent. For this purpose I soon opened up a correspondence with a paper called Lucifer, published at Valley Falls, Kansas, by M. Harman—a paper devoted to Liberalism, the agitation ot labor interests and to the emancipation of woman from the domination of man in the sex relation, This correspondence I here republish as being intimately connected with a history of this matter. The editor of this journal, M. Harman, as will be seen by the correspondence is an Anarchist, according to the true etymologic meaning of the word. In the correspondence I take issue with him as a governmentalist.
Me3sbs. H*bman & Walkeb: Dear Friends: Yoar3 of the 10th inst. received, notifying me that my time is up for Lucifer. Sast now, from repeated failures in crops, and being one of the forced -victims of the robber banks of this country, ducats are scarce; but send on the Lucifer, it is ever welcome, and I will soon make it right for it.
Mr. Editor, I have written eome on political subjects but never before the 11th of last November did I advocate the use of anything but the ballot for the rectification of political evils; but now it is a

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question above and beyond the use of that instrument. If man were a reasonable animal the ballot would be all-sufficient uuder all circumstances* but he is not. History teaches that physical force is the final arbitrament of every important movement that concerns our well-being. It is hardly a consoling thoaght. Bat the beauty of the higher law is, that might does not make right, but that in any controversy those having the right prevail, be their numbers few or many. Right makes might; yea, it is Omnipotence itself.
You have been suffering from the persecution of Oomstockism; suppose you turn the scent of your persecutors hitherward. They may find some more prey not far off, to feed their voracious maws • I have been directly informed that I may receive a visit from a U. S. Marshal, and some ot ocr belligerent fellow citizens have expressed a desire to shoulder their muskets and come to our neighborhood and clean us out. But I say to you, as well as to all other workers, Take courage! It is not long till the centennial anniversary of 1789, and in that year there occurred, in a great nation on the other side of the big pond, such a reversal of things as astonished the civilized world. It may be that there will be such a reversal of things on this side—on this continent—that the former will be but as a mere incident.
I don't care if you publish this. You can do as yoa choose, adding whatever comments you may like.
Respectfully and sincerely yours,
James Culvehwell,
On the principle that it is safer to allow an earnest man to speak his honest thought, even though that thought should shock the nerves of the timid, I give Mr. Culverweii the floor, knowing that many thousands of earnest and honest workers entertain like thoughts, and want to see them expressed. But will he and they be kind enough to answer a question or two?
1.  If the ballot fails because man is a non reasoning animal, is it probable that bullets, bayonets and dynamite will be wisely used by this same non-reasoning animal?
2.  In the battle of ballots the cunning non-producers make the workers fight each other and pay nil the costs of the battle, while they themselves carry off all the spoils, no matter which side is the victor; do our revolutionists think it would

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be otherwise in a battle of bullets?
3. Was the result of the Europaan revolution of 1789 such a triumphant success for the workers that we should be anxious to see it re-enacted next year in America?—Ed. Lucifer.
To the first I answer yes, in a degree. Man, like any other species of the animal creation, acquires knowledge of his environments ana circumstances from the discipline of suffering and the hard knocks of experience.
To the second I answer yes, b3cause under the operation of the principle of equilibrium, the great law of the universe, bullets or physical force is one of the means whereby an equalization   or   redistribution   of   wealth or    rights isat-tained when such is disturbed abnormally, whether under the organic laws of the societies of man, or by a wreaching of such laws for the purpose of concentration in the hands of a few at the expense of the many.   To the ttiird I will cite a few facts and offer a few remarks and leave to your readers to judge of their merit.
In other ways than as to mere bloody details and destruction of human life, can the coming reversal of things on this continent compare with that as a mountain to a mole-hiil. Under the best political philosophy it is a conceded fact that that state or nation is rnoet likely to enjoy peace which is best able to command it.   A half dozen centuries since our English speaking sires accomplished a rectification of things in tijeir social state without the shedding of a drop of blood or loss of a single man.   Have we, their offspring, degenerated so much that we cannot do as well?   I think we can; perhaps a little better.   King John had the regular  army, the generals and marshals of England behind him, but before him he saw the force of the people of England; he signed the magna eharta without risking a battle, which took from him many powers and privileges before enjoyed undisputed.    We are in a better position than the .trench in 1789. Their organic laws conferred privileges and favors, ours do not.   It is not necessary for us to be Anarchists.   We can simply stand upon the Constitution of our country and maintain our rights under it and the practical Anarchists in control of the machinery thereof may cry treason and rebellion, but their saying so will not make it so.
From the wild excesses and extremes of Anarchism in the years succeeding 1789, Napoleon, a governmentahet, saved the French people, and so long as he fought in the dev fense of the rights of France his success and glory was such as had hardly ever fell to the lot of mortal man ; but when like a fool he eoaght to  build an empire for himself his

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downfall became more rapid than his rise. He missed the greatest opportunity ever given to a man to give a perfect system of government to bis race, guided by perfect wisdom and virtue politically. Under our system the majority rule ; the minority having had a voice, acquiesce. The acts then of' the executives of the law become the acts of the whole peo« pie. The act of the 11th of last November established a new policy, a new precedent. Four men were huug for Anarchy, an opinion, a doctr.ne. The blood of those men is upon the skirts of every man, woman and child of the political society of which they were members. When the power which rules the nations of the earth makes requisition for the blood of innocence, who shall stand? I, for my part, will make a protest. I will clear my skirts; and be it known by the authorities and executives of these Uuited States tbat I will not bow down, nor acknowledge or acquiesce in the justice or righteousness of tbat act.
Mr. Editor, 1 appreciate your kindness of heart in keeping me from, as yon think, unnecessarily putting my neck into a halter, but surely you are not afraid to pubilsh mare items of news, which might be of interest to many of our fellow citizens. The rope may be made tbat may baDg me, or the bullet cast that may shoot me, but I do not think so, and if I did not believe it avoidable I would say, God spe?d the day when we could upon the tented field, amid the clash of arms, contend for liberty, the rights of man, etc., what United States judges and courts declare to be meankgless phrases and glittering generalities.
Mr. Editor, you may call me a rectificationist, but don't call me a revolutionist; please don't! It may put me in the company of great and illustrious men ot our history to whose company I had not dreamt to aspire.
"Of what avail is plow and sail Land or life, if freedom tail."—Emeuson.
Dentonia, Jewell County, Kansas.
About this time the Hon. C. H. Moody, of Otego, Kansas, gave an address before the Dentocia Union Labor Club. Before doing so he took supper at my house. The subject of the Chicago Anarchists came up. He deplored the event, spoke of it as an injustice and an outrage, or words to that effect. 1 showed him the plan of the organization, but he disapproved

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of that, declaring that if a million of men would take arms to-day, the government being so strong, to-morrow they would be crushed; advised me to burn the document and have no more to do with it.
A week or two after this time J. Dunton, editor of the then Salem Argns, but now the Kansas Labor Clarion, at Mankato, Kansas, also gave an addreiS before the club. The same night he stayed at mv house; he expressed nearly the same sentiments as Mr. Moody concerning the Anarchists, but upon showing him the paper in the morning, he too disapproved of it and declared that if five million of men would take arms, the government could easily crush them; yet he used more radical language before the club than I ever used or could approve. I said then as I said to others about that time, it needed not a million or five million of men to accomplish the work. I would not call for more than a thousand, and of that thousand I would not want more than three hundred to inaugurate it. If Leomdas with his three hundred men could ket-p at bay the Persians, over two millions in number, until his countrymen could organize themselves for resistance; if Gideon with three hundred could overthrow the Midianites and deliver Israel, I think as much might be done to-day, or we are degenerating as a race. War is a science; it is no hard matter for a small army, rightly managed, to overthrow a large one. Large armies are unwieldy and difficult to handle, and some of the greatest victories recorded in history were ot small armies over great ones.
Soon after this time while cultivating corn one day

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u|)on my farm a neighbor, S. C. Ozman, came to me-stating he had got himself into some trouble. A man by the name of Totton, living near Mankato, to whom he had made some statements regarding the document I had circulated in the spring, was liable to be arrested or to be sued by the Union Labor party at Mankato for slander, for certain statements Mr Totton had made regarding the matter up there. Consequently Iig had come back for his authority in the matter to him, and he (Ozman) would also be involved with him. So he requested me to give him a copy of the paper to clear not only Mr. Totton but himself likewise. I told him to come to my house and I would give him a copy. He then went back to his house and bringing with him A. K. Durand, a Justice of the Peace for Odessa township (also deputy sheriff of the county) came to my house. Esq. Durand then took a copy of the paper and with it they both left.
Esq. Durand stated that Mr.Totton, whom he did not know and had never seen,had written to,and requested him to procure a copy of it. He afterward stated that he had no idea what disposition Mr. Totton intended to make of the paper beyond clearing himself from the threatened suit.
Soon afterwards the whole matter appeared in the Mankato Monitor, ffhich is herewith given. Also the other county papers published articles concerning it which were re-copied by papers published, even to the confines of the State. Also it was stated that Chicago papers published articles concerning it, as a matter of news. If so, then was it the means of accomplishing orie object, which I had in the writing of

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it, viz: that some little bird might whisper in the ea^s-of those convicts m the Illinois Penitentiary at Joliet, information of the movement on the part ot some of their fellow citizens, and that they would thereby know that some, at least, of those fellow citizens were not stony-hearted in their feelings toward them. Do not my fellow citizens know that popular clamor, popular prejudice, is fickle? to-day one thing, to-morrow another, even as one poet has expressed the sentiment in the lines
And the demons of our sires become, The saints whom we adore. So round and round we turn And ever is justice done.
JEWELL   COUNTY   ANARCHISTS. [Mankato Monitor.!
Some days ago, Wm. Totten, a prominent citizen of thi& township, stated that a movement was on foot among members of the Union Labor party, looking to the liberation of the condemned Anarchists. The statement was denied and Mr. Totten was strongly denounced, but he has '-proved it on them" beyond question. He employed Mr. A. K. Durand, a well known justice of the peace, to take affidavits of the facts in the case, which we give below :       *
Some time this spring James Culverwell, a member of the Union Labor party of this township, called upon me with a paper and requested me to enlist for the purpose of raising a company or army of soldiers to go to the state prison at Joliet, Illinois, and releasa the condemned Anarchists now confined there. I refused to do so. The names of some of the signers to the document were j ames Culvtrwell, Eeece Hassinger, John Bohrer, Wm. Smith, and many others. The full statements of the document I do not remember, and I have been unable to obtain a copy, but its object was for the purposes I have mentioned. All of the signers to the document were members of the Union Labor party.            S. C. OZMAN.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 7th day of July 1888.
A.   K.  DUBAND,
Justice of the Peace of Odessa township, Jewell Co., Kan.
And here is a certified copy of the enlistment roll with the-

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names attached :
We, citizens of the United Sta'es and of Kansas in particular, do hereby organize ourselves into an association to be known as a §t National Army of Rescue " the object whereof we declare to be the liberation and restoration to freedom of the three men now held in cofinement at the Illinois State Penitentiary at Juliet, viz ; Neebe sentenced for fifteen yearstand Fielden and Schwab for life.
We declare that the imprisonment of these men i« unconstitutional,! d just and tyrannical and an outrage upon the constitutional rights of every citizen of the United States, in the abridgement of the rights of free speech and expression of opinion.
We hereby organize ourselves into a company to be known as " Co, A. First Regiment of the Kansas Army of Re*cae«"
We hereby pledge ourselves to drill and inform ourselves upon military discipline and tactics as far as we can conveniently, and invite ail our fellow citizens who may be in sympathy with oar object to unite with us.
When in case of such organization numbering in membership from one hundred thousand to five hundred thousand it shall or may become the doty of the leader^ thereof in obedience to the sen-timent of the organization, to call for a sufficient force of volunteers to initiate a movement that by physical force if necessary, we may accomplish the ireedom and restoration to liberty of these
James Culvebwell.                   J* M.   Bohbeb.
R. Walkek.                               M G. Maudslby.
S. B. Gage.                                H. W\ Gage.
I hereby certify that this is a true copy taken from the original
document   by   me   July   7th, 1888, and now in  the  hands  of
James Culverweli.                                       A. K. DURAND,
Justice of the Peace of Odessa township, Jewell Co.f Kan.
Thus it willfce seen that men who can't successfully man. age a quarter section of land will dash off a decision on constitutional law, for invasion of which constitutional rights he is ready to take up arms against hie government, and at the same time, every one of those signers become guilty of conspiracy and are liable to heavy line or imprisonment, and should they make an attempt to carry out their purpose they would b6 condemned as traitors and hanged higher than Parsons.
There are an hundred thousand veterans in Kansas who met and punished traitors in 1861-5, and it wont do to ^monkey" with them now, and when we see a party espousing the cause of anarchy and treason, it is time for all loyal  men to abandon and condemn it.

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A few days after the publication of the matter in the  Mankato  Monitor,  the  principal  officers of the Club called upon me.    The public feeling throughout the county and adjoining counties was at fever heat. These officers wished me to make a statement exonerating the club from all connection with the matter.   I agreed to do so.    It was not from any action of the club, but an  independent movement from it, though some of the signers to the document were members of the club, while others were not.    They went from my house to Mr. Ozman's to see him concerning the state-.ment he had made regarding it.    A day or two after this Esq. Durand came to me and before I  had made any  statement of the  matter,  informed me that the president of the club was working to my injury and had stated that he would have me  expelled from the -club.    He cautioned me to be on my guard, that he (the president) had made  a statement regaiding  the matter, which would be published in the next issue of the Clarion.    That I had better wait before making mine until I had seen his.   I told him I would do so. He furthermore informed me that although there was .considerable excitement, I and my company could rest easy and not be alarmed, there would  be no prosecution whatever.    He had  seen the  county Attorney, who also gave him the same assurances.
t With the president of the club my relations had been friendly, cordial and confidential, though he had not approved my steps in this matter, but at the same time, in the winter he had avowed himself to me to be an anarchist. This was the first intimation that I had that anything was wrong.   The next morning I

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was going to see the Messrs. Gage, the last two that joined the company, and I met them coming to ray house. They were somewhat alarmed. In their imagination the whole country was aroused. I quieted their fears as best I could, told them of the pledges of the county officials, and they returned home easier in mind and more contented. The same evening they again returned and came to my house; the President of the Club came also. He had gone to their house during the day, shown them the law of Kansas in re-gard to treason, and had thrown them into a complete panic. The same evening Mr. Ozman came also to my house. The officers ot the Club were threatening him with prosecution for the statement he had made in the matter. I then saw that the statements Esq. Durand had made in regard to the President, to me» were literally true. Mr. Finch, the President of the Club, had been toMankato, bad procured the law, and intended to use it and his official position as President of the Club, to force me into acqmesence and compel me to drop the matter. He was also especially hard against Esq. Durand and his brother, 0. H. Durand, County Superintendent, charging them with many things; but this much I must say in justice to all concerned, that Esq. Durand, as far as I could see, in all his statements and actions regarding the matter, acted the perfect gentleman.
In this matter, as the reader will see, before I commenced, I counted the cost. Did the president of the Dentonia Union Labor Club think he could intimidate me? I thought not. For.human rights, for liberty, for defense of my family and home I would dare do anything; 1 would dare leap from the highest heaven

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to the lowest pit in sheol.
The elder Mr. Gage had informed me the same morning that the president of the club had urged him to come up and take his name off the paper. Did the interests of the club or of the Union Labor party, require him to act thus ? I thought not. I had done nothing but what I had a perfect right to do, independently of my connection with the club; but it seems that every important movement in human affairs must have some sort of treachery connected with it. The reader will see by the subjoii ed letter how 1 paid him in his own coin.
(From Jewell County Monitor.)
Ed. Monitor: "Truth is stranger than fiction." Ere the end of this Anarchy business which has transpired in our midst, the above quotation may be verified. It certainly already has some quaint peculiarities and interesting features.
A person making a statement of events so recently tran-pinng should, I think, have a better memory tnan the president of the Dentonia Union Labor Club sesins to have. Io a statement he has recently made, he claims that I "introduced a resolution at the organization of the club, it was voted down, and after the vote I joined the club." etc. Now, • Mr. Editor, the facts are, at the temporary or preliminary meeting or organization of the club, I was chairman myself, the meeting was called to consider the advisability of forming or making an independent movement or party, or of uniting with one or other of tbe different lalor organizations already made. For this purpose I wrote and was read at tbe meeting a constitution and declaration of principles, and whioh I have now at my house, for an independent movement, which in my opinion seemed to be necessary. This was voted down, and not a resolution, as he says; but voted to unite with some labor organization already formed, and for this purpose at the succeeding meeting the platforms of the Union Labor and another organization were read and it was decided to unite with the Union Labor. Having agreed with* my neighbors and fellow citizens that something should ba done, I acquiesced in the will of the majority, for I am not an Anarchist, but believe m government, law and order, and majority rule, which most Anarchists do not. Instead of my joining the club after the vote, my name is on the list of the

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original members of the club and was elected an officer thereof, viz: Corresponding Secretary. Jt is a fact the organization of the military company was an after matter, was never mentioned m the club, and iu my soliciting subscribers thereto I did it indiscriminately, whether they were members of the club or not, though the most part that joined were members He furthermore states at the organization of the company I was a Democrat; Democrats look to your laurels! if I were a Democrat then is he now a Republican? If I understood the movement, it was to be one without, respect to former affiliations. I long since resigDed what office I held m my former party. Can he say the same for his ? Parties, 1 think, are the means, not the end, through which the individual citizens exercise the duties and acquire the privileges of citizenship. I challenge any member of the club to show I have not acted in good faitu towards the party and I think the better minds and spirits of it will sustaiu me when they see that it's a case like that in 1861 to 1865, wh°n the feeling of every true patriot was to sustain the integrity and preservation of the government first, party afterwards.
It is said " Consistency is a jewel." I will relate an incident: Last winter, in a social conversation with me Finch advocated and avowed himself an Anarchist; I was surprised, I spoke against it, and in favor of governmentalism. A short time ago an Anarchist in the State of Indiana, noticing an article in a paper I bad written in sympathy with the Chicago Anarchists as American citizens, supposed me in sympathy with Anarchism, wrote me a letter inclosing a couple of copies of a circular or pamphlet of his own publication. I banded one to a neighbor with the remark, that is red-hot Anarchism, and when he read it he handed it to him, meaning the president of our club; it seems it had the desired effect, in converting him back to a true conception of political princplee, for now he denies ever being one. Certainly a person may be mistaken at any time, but what weight or confidence can we attach to a person who is thus tossed about with any political wind of doctrine.
Mr. Editor, I hope 1 may never do anything by word or act to cast a reproach upon the good people of Jewell county, but let me be understood upon this matter; can it be possible that in the land of Washington, Jefferson and Franklin, ere a century has elapsed since they have fallen asleep, that there can be such a thing as unlawful opinions? Judge Gary says there can be; moreover Judges of State Supreme and TJ. S. Courts, declare that liberty, the rights of man, etc., in relation to the Constitution are " meaningless phrases

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and glitteriDg generalities." If the tree of liberty planted upon this continent by revolutionary blood and treasure, further strengthened and consolidated by the blood aad treasure spent in the war of the rebellion, needs yet still more to keep it green aud perennial, it can freely have mine.                     Respectfully,           James Culvebwekl.
Dentonia, Jewell Co., Kansas.
Thus it seems that Finch has found himself m deep water, and instead of shifting the charge of Anarchism from the club has had it fastened upon himself, (President of the club) in a manner which makes it all the more odious from the fact that it comes from one of those upon whoiii he sought to cast the odium. If we are correctly informed, this man Finch is somewhat noted for his political antics. We are informed that less than a year ago, in the absence of the Republican nominee for Trustee of his township, he, purporting to act by authority, took the regular nominee's name from the ticket and caused his own to be placed thereon and was elected by the Republicans, whom he now further betrays by resorting to his present methods. Neither the Union Labor party nor Anarchists can long protect a man from the effects of such acts.—[Ed. Monitor.]
There was still a comical. side to the whole affair. As I sat in my house that evening, the hour approaching midnight, Mr. Finch before me haranguing upon the matter, telling of the excitement in Mankato, that the principal men there would not believe that I wrote the document, it was impossible for a common farmer to do it; they said that it was the work of some lawyer in Chicago who had written it, and then sent it into the country to start a movement in favor of the Anarchists. The elder Mr. Gage on my right, pleading for me to write out a paper saying that we did not intend anything, and claiming that I had betrayed him in giving the paper to be copied, and fearful lest the fury of the mob, or the officers of the law might break in upon them any moment. I meantime endeavoring to quiet his fears and assuring him that all would be   well.     Mrs. Gage by  his side,  nod-

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ding every little whi'e from sleepiness, the younger Mr. Gage erasing their names from the document, and earnestly scanning it, to discover if there were any traces left. The whole thing appeared to be a good subject for an art st to make a picture, and entitle it " locking the stable door after the horse is stolen." I had desired them to go to bed and sleep over it and I would write a paper for them in the morning. But no, I must do it that night; so I wrote it. In the morning the Messrs. Gage took it to Esq. Durand's. I accompanied them tnd acknowledged it before him. he assuring them also there would be no danger. They departed for home feeling much better. This paper was never published. I believe, and as I left it in their hands, I do not give it here.
I will here relate an incident illustrative of the excitement throughout the county at the time. It was said the mob at Mankato was on the point of coming down to clean us out. as they expressed it, when somebody told them they could never get within four or five miles of my house that in the hills around were located dvnamite bombs that would blow

them to sheol should they attempt to approach. That was enough; they would not attempt it. That imaginary line of bombs around us was a protection as  effectual as though they were there in fact.
It is a good thing the printer's art is in vogue today so the story can be preserved in cold facts, else it mjght become so exaggerated, that in future ages, it might rival some of the stories of old, such as when a prophet and his servant suddenly found themselves surrounded by armed bands of their enemies, the servant cried out, they were undone, but the prophet

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prayed to the Lord to open the eyes of his servant, and the Lord opened his eyes, and he beheld on the hills around about great multitudes of angels. And they were saved.
On the evening of the 11th of August, succeeding the publication of my letter in the Mankato Monitor the Club held a meeting. The President had fluttered as "a hit bird always flutters," and as he had influence in in the Club, I found he was about to use it, and as the members of the Club.generally were of the opinion that my action was injuring it, so for its benefit I resigned my membership in it.' I could at least be a party to myself for the time being, and felt that he was welcome to all the glory that in such a victory would accrue to him.
Soon after this time, Mr. Streeter, candidate of the
Union Labor party  for  President^  spoke at Downs,
Kas. I did not hear him, but some members of the club
went to hear him.    From their report and from seeing
his letter of acceptance,  I  concluded he was not a
fit man for the presidency, and told some members of
the Club I was glad I had been  forced  to  resign  my
membership in it.    In  his  lettei  of acceptance  Mr.
Streeter says in effect, the strong and the rich need not
the favor or fostering care of the government, but the
weak and the poor do.   In   another place he says  he
would favor protection where protection was  needed.
Such language shows that he is unacquainted with the
organism or structure of the government.   Protection
for any class is not possible under it; favor or fostering care for none, the strong or the weak, all should fare alike. The provision of the constitution, to ''promote the general welfare" is not a legitimate,   a true

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function of civil government. It would be better were it eliminated entirely. The step is so easily made from the general to the special welfare.
The true function of civil government is merely  to-"secure  liberty" and execute justice;" to keep the individual citizens from  hurting or  encroaching  upon, each other, so that each and  all  can work  out  their own welfare.    Liberty will never be  secure, it will be  in  continual jeopardy,  until the  citizens    learn to ask for nothing but justice, nothing but right, nothing for favor or privilege of any kind.   If this should be done paternalism would be overthrown in our government.
To  show  the vague rumors and   wild  imaginings
of the people in regard to this matter I  will give  an extract from a letter published in the Monitor of Aug.
22d, 1888:
"We are informed by an old acquaintance and intimate friend of James Oulverwell, tne Odessa Anarchist leader,, that he ie, and always was, a very strong Democrat. He said that Oulverwell tried hard to get him to join the Anarchist Army of Rescue, but he refused to join it. He saye he never heard of this matter until after James Culverwoll returned from St. Louis last spring, where he claimed he must go at once. I believe, he added with a chill, he does not know how he came by that declaration of principles as copied by Esq. Durand, but thinks it possible that he pro-curred it at headquarters, in St. Louis, as an appointee to start the ball to rolling m Kansas. He does not know the extent of the Anarchist army in other states, but this was Co. A. First Regiment in Kansas, showiDg it to be the starting point in this state, and ninped in the bud.
From the expression used in Culverwell's recent letter to-the Jewell County Monitor, and hearing the various members of the Union Labor Clubs talk concerning Anarchy, the mugwump element of the old greenback party, with the old defunct Democrats who are monopolizing it and their management of affairs has thoroughly convinced us that Anarchy is one of the hidden principles of that organization."

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It will be seen that it mentions a trip I made to St. Louis. I did make such a trip, but it was in September, 1887, before the Chicago Anarchists were hung. It was during the Exposition and the National Grand Army Re-Union there. Among the many sights seen there the one that interested me most, even more than the great parade under umbrellas, the Veiled Prophets, or the sight of the President, was one which occurred at the Sisters Hospital, at which my wife and I were staying for the treatment of a deformed child. To the hospital was attached a chapel for the religious services of the Sisters, and one day there was an initiation by two priests, of five or six nuns, into full fellowship of the sisterhood. The priests were large, powerful men, full of animal force and vitality. I could not help seeing how the natural and most sacred instincts of humanity yere outraged in such a performance. Young, innocent girls surrendering themselves up to become the celestial wives of Christ, and come under the dominating influence of his priesthood or vice-gerents on the earth. No wonder a few years ago when Bismark made a raid upon the Catholic institutions of Germany, there was found at one place an old unused well full of the remains of infants, the fruit of the illegitimate intercourse between the monks and nuns there. Christ must surely be a great Polygarrist. Under this celestial wifejy system, perhaps he is making up for his abstinence here, for his harem munt be packed with millions of them there. When will humanity have sense to know that a priesthood founded upon such extraordinary or supernatural authority is all a fraud and a  delusion and the Protestant portion of such

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priesthood is only in a degree less so.
In the Kansas Labor Clarion of Aug. 30th, was ^published Mr. Finch's reply to mine of Aug. 8th. I herewith give itf
[From the Kansas Labor Clarion.]
Mr. Editor:—It aeems proper for me to make a statement in order to refute accusations made against me which appeared in lest week's issue of the Monitor. I have been warned for several days that the wheels of a political God had been put in motion to demolish me. "But lo! the ^mountain has labored and brought forth a mouse."
In regard to the letter written by the grand old commander of Company A, it is a small production when one takes into consideration the amount of labor expended upon it by the old General and his Lieutenant, an officer in this township, who has done a great amount of riding and deserves great credit for his action?. I will be satisfied with a few criticisms, on that remarkable letter. Commander A. says: "Instead of my joining the club after the vote, my name is on the list of original members of the club." *Ifc occurs to one's mind how tsould he have been an origiral member be* fore there was an action taken to join any particular organization. His next departure from the truth, was in the following statement : "He furthermore states at the organization of the company I was a Democrat/' Anyone reading my affidavit knows nothing of the nature appears in it. I am not responsible for editorial comments.
His effusion in regard to times between 1801 to 1865 sounds like mockery, emanating from such a source, from a man who has stated that the killing of Abraham Lincoln, was the just culmination of a grand drama.
And in reply to bis accusation of anarchy, will just state, that is one more lie added to the number he has been telling lately to carry his point, if he wishes me to verify this statement by other evidence I will freely furnish it.
I can feel as though I had not lost much, when I have lost the friendship of a man who says: "That the Declaration of Independence is one of the most absurd documents ever written. That Jesus Christ as a man was inferior to Parsons." A man who is willing to spill bis blood so readily for such a doubtful cause. And a man whose inclination leads him towards the setting sun, away towards Salt Lake City. Mr. Culverwell withdrew from our club with the understanding that his membership injured the club. A resolution to accept his withdrawal was unanimously voted by the club

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The Editor of the Monitor states that less than a year ago, if be was correotlyly informed, I took the regular nominee's name from the Republican ticket and put mine on. His informant is a dirty, cowardly, malicious liar. I was nominated and my name placed upon the ticket by the representative Republicans of this township and can prove the same. Vaughan tell the name of your informant, and see if I don't prove him to be a liar.                             John H. Finch.
There are a few things in it that deserve mention. He says I had stated uthat the killing of A. Lincoln was the just culmination of a grand drama." I do not think I used that precise language, though I do not think I could better it now were I to try. I <lo not believe in martyrs. In the great school of humanity we all are in, each gets what he deserves and deserves what he gets. Martyrdoms only occur where wrong struggles against wrong. In the wrongs of that mighty struggle of which he was the last vie-tim, as it wtre, are to be found the causes of the present suffering. He, more than any other man in our history, probably, outraged the rights of the people. It was just as much of a crime politically for him to take the presidency of states and parts of states, • without the voice of the people, for or against, and which he exempted them from having by proclamation himself, as it was for the Southern States to kick against him and secede from the Union in 1860 and 1861, when he was fairly and constitutionally elected President over all of the states froa) the 4th of March 1861 to the 4th of March 1865. The rights of the people are of too sacred a character to be trifled with and had he acknowledged those rights in 1861, it would have given him the power to have emancipated every slave in the Confederacy then, instead of waiting tiil it was absolutely necassary, thus prolong-

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ing the struggle. War is a science; either party-knowing its conditions ciuld have overthrown the other within sixty or ninety days of the time of actual hostilities.
Mr. Finch mis-quotes me when he states that I said "the Declaration of Independence is one of the most absurd documents ever written/' It is an able document enough, as far as that goes, and contains great political truths, such as "all men are created free and equal and entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," etc., but what I have said is, that its main central idea, as a document of secession, division and separation, was a political heresy, an ignis fatuus, a political viper that has stung the nation nearly to its vitals, and unless dethroned from its position as apolitical Baal will assuredly yet lead the nation into the quagmires of political disintegration, ruin and death. What gave the seceding states in 1861 the hope of success in their scheme of dissolution of the Union? That document was the star of promise to them. Can a state or states, which are merely aggregations of the individual citizens, be entirely independent of each other and yet live? Let the individual citizens of the world, or any state, try and see how well they could live alone. No, verily, no; dependence, not independence, is our natural condition, then how can states or nations outrage the first law of their being and yet live? Was it necessary in 1776? No, our fathers could have obtained their rights in the political society of which they were members, without it, and with-

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out a seven years war. The}' could have overthrown even the imperial government of England, or the factions that had control of it, because they were right; they could have stamped their ideas upon the whole society, and made the whole Empire a Republic. England and the British Islands would then have been compelled to become merely states of ihe new democratic republic, and the schism in the English speaking race would not have occurred. The seat of government following population might have been upon this continent, and the power of that government would have been wielded for the security, not for the overthrow, of the individual rights of the citizens.
"That Jesus Christ as a man was inferior to Parsons." Again he misquotes me. I had given him my opinion of Christ and I will give it here. Christ was a man of great knowledge, great virtue and of great vice, but the great predominating feature of his character was his viciousness. He used his knowledge and his virtue to build for himself a mighty spiritual empiie of fraud, delusion and monstrosity. I had not supposed that religion would have been brought into this matter, but as it is, it must form a part of the narrative of its events. I will relate an incident that perhaps had some influence in bringing me where I am upon this subject. Between the years ]861 and ]866 I was a member of a prominent Christian church in the city of Davenport, Iowa. At the latter date I found I could no longer worship at the shrine of their unnatural god, and I asked them for a favor, which was in itself nothing but right and proper.    Did they
grant it?   No, but rather filled the city with the report that I was crazy.    That was enough.   The world

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was wide ; they could go their way, I would go mine.
"And a man whose inclination leads him towards the setting sun; away towards Salt Lake City." Yes, Mr. Finch knows that public sentiment is against that people out there in the mountains and he would fain use it against me. What care I for public sentiment unless right? in that case I might court it, but if not,
than for the fleeting bubble which is in the air but for a moment.
Do the American people know where they are drifting in this matter? Do they think they can crush a people and deprive them of well nigh every vestige of liberty simply because they are strong and powerful enough to do it? Nay, verily, nay; a less powerful people could turn upon their oppressors and crush them as easily as a lion would crush a mouse. Let that people come to a condition to enjoy and preserve liberty; but at present they are not, and they might make some interesting history for a future historian of these American states to record.
The Mormon question is but one phase of the struggle now going on in our land for human rights. Their side may be, in one sense, like president Cleveland's so-called free trade message, a step in the right direction, a small one though it be, yet nevertheless valuable. Here in our own state is going on a struggle for another step. Two editors, Messrs. M. Harman and E. C. Walker, editing JJucifer and Fair IHay at Valley Falls, Kansas, are under bonds to appear in the U. S. court at Topeka, for what? For violation of the so-called obscenity laws of congress; or in other words for allowing their columns to be used by women to discuss their grievances in regard to the so-called rights of husbands in the marriage relation.   By what                       *

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authority is this done?   By the constitution giving to-Congress the right to establish post roads and  routs through the states.   Ah! post roads and routs mean in congressional eyes the rights and liberties of the people.    Verily here is wisdom.
On the 25th of September last, J. D. Robertson, president of the First National Bank of Jewell City, Kansas, came to my house. In May 1887 I had made a loan from the bank. In October of the same year I wished to adjust it, to get a little more and put in other property. Shortly before I had sold some of the stock included in the security. It was a technical violation of the law. I had obtained permission in getting loans from other banks to do so, but not in this case. I told him what 1 had done. At once he demanded the money of the loan or I should go behind the bars, or words to that effect. At the same time,, as all banks do, at least in this state, he was violating the law every day he did business. I had supposed it would be all right; demand for money makes it higher than the legal rate of interest, and when no fraud is intended it would be all right, either side. It was not so however. The violation of the law by the banks might be winked at, but not in my case. However the matter was adjusted. The loan extended and additional security given. Afterwards I kept my eyes open and ere a month had elapsed the execution of the Chicago Anarchists was an accomplished fact. That act done in obedience to a false public sentiment, and under the influence of the banking, monopolistic or money power of the country, I saw I might catch them. And here let me inform my fellow citizens that since that time I have been merely fishing, find think I have got quite a big fish on my hook, a regular leviathan, even the banking system of these United States.
Moses, when he got Pharaoh and the Egyptians on his hook, made quite a number of pulls before he landed his "catch," and flien merely left them at the

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bottom of the Red Sea, whi'e I think this system of oppression can be landed high and dry, and perhaps faction and privilege can be so cornered as not to trouble the people again for a little while.
I do not want to boast, but think I can show *{my faith by my works." I have said Mr. Robertson the president of the bank, came to my house; he came at my solicitation. I wanted to get him there. I had a talk with him. He did not want to talk politics; 0! no, they hnve so s -ft a thins: they are not interested in politics. I told him the people must concern themselves about politics or politics tMB concern them, Our very living, our existence depended on it. I did not say very much, but if ever there was a panic-stricken man, he was one. He was even the sport and the butt of laughter for my children for the day after he left in their telling how he trembled and was excited when their pa was talking to him.
My fallow citizens, these men, the so-called upholders of "law and order,11 are the real Anarchists in our society. What law have they got to stand upon? statutes and acts of Congress. ..But where does the Constitution give to Congress the power to issue a bill of credit? It give3 to Congress the power to coin money and regulate the value thereof, but coin is not a bill of credit. The Continental Congress under the Articles of Confederation, had power to emit bills of credit, but where is it in our present Constitution? If not there it is not a delegated power of Congress, consequently it is yet one of the reserved rights of the people, and the whole system is one of lawlessness, illegality; in short, Anarchism. Let not a class of men, perhaps the most rascally and tricky of all the professions, throw dust in your eyes, and in relation to the law, make white black, and black white, but in a matter of so much importance, read for yourselves, think for yourselves, know for yourselves.
Published and for sale by the author at Dentonia, Kansas, October, 1888.

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